Connect with us

News

TISL welcomes Anti-Corruption Bill, but flags two major concerns

Published

on

TISL Deputy Executive Director Sankhitha Gunaratne, TISL Advocacy and Research Manager Janithrika Jayasundara and TISL Programme Officer-Communication Rifdhi Nawas addressing the media yesterday

The proposed Anti-Corruption Bill contained several laudable provisions that seek to improve upon the existing anti-corruption legal framework in Sri Lanka, TISL, Deputy Executive Director Sankhitha Gunaratne said addressing a press conference held at its office in Nawala, Rajagiriya yesterday (11).

The proposed Anti-Corruption Bill, which seeks to replace the Bribery Act (Chapter 26), the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption Act No. 19 of 1994, and the Declaration of Assets and Liabilities law No. 1 of 1975, has been gazetted and is expected to be tabled in the Parliament soon. This Bill was open for observations from different stakeholders including TISL and other civil society organizations, activists, and the public.

“Specifically recognising sexual favours as a form of gratification, including private sector corruption, and corruption offences related to sporting events within its ambit, are important changes introduced in this Bill. The Bill also significantly increases fines that can be imposed for offences,” she highlighted.

She said: “Notably, some of the changes to the Declaration of Assets and Liabilities Law that anti-corruption activists including TISL have been advocating for a few years, have now been incorporated into this Bill. In the proposed asset declaration system, there will be a central authority (CIABOC – the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption) with which all the declarations of assets and liabilities will be filed. The asset declarations will be made publicly available through an electronic system, subject to the redaction of certain sensitive information. This electronic system will identify red flags regarding the illicit enrichment of the individuals to whom this law applies. The proposed law also requires the President to file their declaration of assets and liabilities, unlike the current law.

However, TISL notes two serious concerns in the proposed law. It seeks to override all other written law, which includes the Right to Information Act. The proposed law contains sections that require officials of the CIABOC to sign oaths of secrecy and therefore, the disclosure of information by CIABOC under the new law will only be possible with special permission from the Commission. As such, the proposed law promotes a culture of secrecy by making access to information from the CIABOC more difficult and thereby negates the objective to “enhance transparency in governance,” as stated in the Bill.

TISL also notes that Section 119 of the Bill, which refers to false allegations, appears to send a negative signal to citizens willing to come forward as informants and whistleblowers to report corruption. While the similar provision in the current law has not been misused targeting corruption fighters, this particular provision could become seriously counterproductive and dangerous in a context of a politically influenced public service, or in an adverse environment of stifled civic space, democratic deficits, weak governance or kleptocracy. As an organization that advocates for citizens’ freedom of expression, TISL believes that the proposed Bill should be more robust and progressive enough to encourage whistleblowers and citizens to come forward and report corruption without fear of repercussions, while discouraging the corrupt.

TISL further emphatically highlights that the law itself, on paper, cannot create solve the plague of systemic corruption in Sri Lanka since the effectiveness of the law will entirely depend on its enforcement. For instance, the Bill provides for joint investigations and international co-operation, which will have no impact unless this is practically implemented. Under this Bill, the CIABOC is granted immense police powers, which provides adequate space for CIABOC to carry out its functions. TISL reiterates that the successful implementation of those functions depends on the level of independence the Commission is given, starting with the appointment of the Commission and the Director-General, the creation of an enabling environment where the commission and law enforcement officials are able to act without undue influence and intimidation, availability of resources including human resources, financial independence, and knowledge capacity. The mere passage of this Bill, despite its progressive portions, will not be able to address the issue of corruption in Sri Lanka until there is the political will to lead the country by example, a system change that includes a cultural shift where the people resist corruption even at the petty level, and a context that is conducive to the whistleblowers.

Therefore, TISL calls upon the government, with the technical assistance of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to rectify these concerns in the law forthwith, and further, to continue to engage with citizens, experts, and civil society, in order to adopt a holistic approach to achieve the envisaged goal of eradicating corruption in Sri Lanka.

TISL Advocacy and Research Manager Janithrika Jayasundara, TISL Legal Officer – Community Sector Piumi Madushani and TISL Programme Officer-Communication Rifdhi Nawas also addressed the press.



News

Harsha flays govt. over plan to pass coal, Treasury losses to public

Published

on

Harsha de Silva

Chairman of the Public Finance Committee Dr. Harsha de Silva, MP, yesterday (31) said that the National People’s Power (NPP) government was going ahead with a controversial move to pass on the massive losses caused by the coal scam to the public. The government also intended to recover USD 2.5 (approximately Rs 800 mn) lost by the Treasury from the people by introducing an amendment to the Budget, the Opposition lawmaker alleged.

Dr de Silva said that the government had been compelled to increase the supply of diesel for the oil-fired power plants to meet the Norochcholai generation shortfall due to the use of substandard coal.

Responding to The Island queries, the former State Minister said that regardless of repeated assurances that electricity consumers wouldn’t be burdened for the lapse on their part, the government, in writing, has assured the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to recover the losses from the public. This came to light after the IMF released the Letter of Intent submitted by the government following the completion of the combined Fifth and Sixth Reviews under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme to receive USD 695 mn.

Commenting on the specific assurance as regards the upward revision of fuel prices and electricity tariffs, MP de Silva pointed out the government’s assurance of its commitment to cost-recovery pricing for fuel and electricity meant that subsidies provided to ease the burden on households and businesses would remain within budgeted limits and be phased out by the end of September 2026.

Welcoming the USD 695 mn IMF loan, MP de Silva said that in terms of the agreement between the government and the IMF, the relief would end once Rs 100 bn allocated to provide relief was spent on subsidies on fuel (Rs 57 bn), electricity (Rs 15 bn) and the rest on ‘Aswesuma’ social welfare scheme and fertiliser.

MP de Silva said that the crisis should be examined taking into consideration that Sri Lanka paid very high prices to procure fuel in the wake of the continuing turmoil in West Asia. He noted that having perpetrated a coal scam the government could not under any circumstances absolve itself of responsibility for the skyrocketing electricity tariffs.

Commenting on the Sri Lanka-IMF agreement, lawmaker de Silva lambasted the government for utterly chaotic and poor management of the economy. Severe criticism was directed at the government over the rapid depreciation of the rupee against the USD and the NPP’s pathetic performance. Amidst speculation that De Silva may switch allegiance to the NPP, the MP also posted a video in which he flayed the government alleging the NPP couldn’t take forward measures taken by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe.

MP de Silva explained how the people would end paying for the theft of USD 2.5 by way of an amendment to the Budget. The MP told The Island that assurance meant that the government acknowledged that there was no hope of recovering USD 2.5 mn though they talked of investigations and progress being made. De Silva called for a combined Opposition effort to pressure the government to act responsibly in the face of growing challenges.

The government couldn’t lie as the relevant IMF report and the government letter of intent were in the public domain, Dr de Silva said.

by Shamindra Ferdinando

Continue Reading

News

PM opens Vesak pandals

Published

on

The PM opening a Vesak pandal

Two Vesak pandals erected in the Colombo area to mark Vesak Poya were ceremonially opened under the patronage of Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya.

The Prime Minister first opened a pandal depicting the Sambula Jataka, constructed by the Sri Vaishakya Society of the Borella Magazine United Traders’ Association. She subsequently attended the opening of another pandal at the Grandpass Kosgas Junction, which portrays the Samudra Vanija Jataka tale, and ceremonially inaugurated it by lighting a traditional coconut-oil lamp.

The event was attended by members of the Maha Sangha, clergy of other faiths, Members of Parliament Dr. Najith Indika, Attorney-at-Law Lakmali Hemachandra and Dilith Jayaweera, Deputy Inspector General of Police Nihal Thalduwa, former Member of Parliament Thilanga Sumathipala, and President of the Magazine United Traders’ Association Palitha Herath, among others.

Continue Reading

News

UNP challenges NPP move to amend Vihara – Devalagam Act

Published

on

The UNP yesterday said that the government did not have the power to establish a Dharma Court. According to the Constitution, neither the executive, the legislature nor the judiciary had the power to interpret the Dharma, it added. The power to pass laws on disciplining the clergy had been granted to Parliament in terms of Article 105 of the Constitution, the UNP said, emphasising that the ultimate powers lay with the committees of the respective sects.

The UNP said so in response to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent speech that a concept paper had been submitted for amending the Vihara – Devalagam Act and the Cabinet had approved it. The President further stated that he had held a discussion with the Registrar, the Commissioner for Buddhist Affairs and the Attorney General. It is not known whether he discussed the matter with the Buddhist MPs in the Opposition.

Excerpts of the statement issued by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Office: ” President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has recently publicly agreed to a call to take the same measures as previous kings in cases where the Buddhist religion is distorted under the guise of Dhamma.

Over our history we have seen some kings kill the Sangha during their reigns. The JVP also killed the Sangha in the same way during the years 1987-89.Kotikawatte Saddhatissa, Weltota Pangnadassi, Beligalle Mahinda, Kumbagoda Gnanaloka, Athurugiriya Pangnatissa, Soragune Pangnasara, Pelpola Dharmapala, Kandy Dhammarakkhitha and many other monks are included in the list of the JVP’s assassinations.

Apart from shedding the blood of the Buddha, the greatest sin that Buddhists can commit is the killing of the Sangha.  The JVP has not apologised for the killings. Is it moral for the President to accept this invitation without first taking this step?

In addition to killing the Sangha, the JVP also looted valuable historical items from the monasteries and temples.

The JVP has never accepted that Buddhism should be given priority politically. The JVP has always acted against Buddhism.

A major question that arises from this is whether the JVP, which has a history of killing monks, can do such a thing after taking power. What is the hidden motive here?

Mr. J. R. Jayewardene took steps to include a separate chapter in the 1978 Constitution to take necessary measures for monks who behave undisciplined and engage in crimes.  Provisions were made for the establishment of a Sangha Court to decide on the discipline of monks.

What did the NPP government done during the Sinhala and Tamil New Year? It disrupted all the auspicious signs. While the whole world was celebrating Vesak Poya on May 1st, the Vesak Poya day in Sri Lanka was postponed to a later date in order to hold political rallies.

There is no objection to taking action against unruly monks. But there is a procedure for how to discipline monks. Cabinet papers related to this should be prepared and presented to the Maha Sangha led by the Mahanayaka Theros and then a decision should be taken. Everything should be carried forward according to the existing tradition in the country.

The President has also expressed his views on taking monks to court. He has expressed such views without understanding the tradition. Taking wrong-doing monks to court in their robes is not something that only happened yesterday. Thalduwe Somarama and Mapitigama Buddharakkhita were presented to court wearing their robes for the assassination of Mr. Bandaranaike and later their robes were removed. This is not limited to monks. Father Mathew Peiris first came to court for legal proceedings wearing his robe. Accordingly, the monks who are currently acting in an undisciplined manner must also follow the same procedure that was implemented earlier.

The President mentioned in his speech that a concept paper was submitted for amending the Vihara – Devalagam Act and the Cabinet agreed to it. The President further stated that he had held a discussion with the Registrar, the Commissioner for Buddhist Affairs and the Attorney General. It is not known whether he had discussed this matter with the opposition Buddhist parliamentarians. This work has all been done only by the government without any consultation.

The government does not have the power to establish a Dharma Court. According to the Constitution, neither the executive, the legislature nor the judiciary have the power to interpret the Dharma. The power to pass laws on disciplining the clergy has been given to Parliament under Article 105 of the Constitution. However, the final powers lie with the committees of the respective sects. At present, this work has been done by the cabinet, officials and a handful of monks of a government that does not accept Buddhism.

The temples with the most assets and properties today are in the monasteries and temples that fall under the Vihara – Devalaya Village Act.  It is no secret that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is taking the position that these temples should be taken under government control. There is a strong suspicion that the Dharma Court is being created for this purpose.

An organized program to destroy Buddhism is being implemented today through government-affiliated social media. A section of civil society is also involved in it. What is always happening today is the marginalization of the Buddhist monastic-lay opinion.In the President’s speech, a reference was also made to the holding of the World Buddhist Congress in this country under the current government.

Such a situation is also indicated in the Vasala Sutta.

“Na jaccha vasalo hoti,

Na jaccha hoti brahmano;

Kammana vasalo hoti,

Kammana hoti brahmano”

Its Sinhala meaning is as follows.

“One is not a householder by birth.Nor is one a Brahmin by birth.One becomes a householder or a Brahmin by one’s actions.”

Continue Reading

Trending