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The Wellawaya attack – on April 4 one day before D-day

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A personal story as recalled by Capt F.R.A.B. Musafer 4th Regt SLA (Retd)

(Continued from last week)

There were other instances where we found persons with very old unlicensed shotguns and unauthorized women in their company. There was always an excuse to explain their presence.On one occasion we were led to a unused well in the Amaduwa area which borders the Yala sanctuary in which was concealed a large consignment of old tins for the explicit purpose of making bombs. The police took a young man into custody and charged him. A few days later I bumped into him near the Hambantota town where he told me the Magistrate had just discharged him as it was no offence to store old cans. Justice well served in the context of the law as at that time!

On another occasion we were taken to a house inhabited by two youths allegedly involved in the movement. The father of the boys appeared and told us that he did not know the whereabouts of his sons and had no trust in them. He took us into the verandah of his house and showed us a coffin stored across some beams of the roof. This, he said is because “I don’t trust them and don’t expect my sons will even bury me. So please believe me.”

By day we were very conspicuous and made our presence felt as we traveled extensively across the towns and villages in the Hambantota district causing concern to regimental headquarters that our fuel consumption was excessive. During the nights we used to patrol along the main roads and stop by the wayside and monitor the movements of people and vehicles. Whilst there was hardly any night time traffic we were intrigued by groups of cyclists traveling further south at night on a daily basis. They maintained that they were practising for the National cycling championships and carried nothing on themselves. Our suspicions were that they were couriers conveying messages but there was nothing we could do about it.

Ground Realities

On most occasions when we stopped at the police stations and chatted with the reserve constable over cups of plain sugarless tea, we were told of threats received via the post. It was common knowledge among the police that they were to be attacked and most likely at night. These threats were not taken seriously.

Being the son of a police officer who had served in that region renowned for its high crime rate I was aware that the reserve PC on duty was always by himself, in some instances with only a kerosene lamp for light. He would always be an easy target of any attack and the key to acquiring weapons. With due credit to the police it provided a 24-hour service to the community in the remotest of areas. Perhaps the police was safe as they commanded some respect and trust among the locals.

Based on the information provided on an informal basis, I realized that if any attack was to take place it would be at night to exploit the element of surprise. My mind raced back to an article I read in the Readers Digest of the methods used in Latin and South America in the 1960’s where guerrilla groups in addition to robbing banks blew up electricity pylons, cut lines of communications and also stormed police and military outposts to secure their supply of weapons all done under the cover of darkness. The likelihood that insurgents would attack in waves to overrun their objectives with sheer numbers as done by the Vietcong was also well documented.

On one of my daily briefings with the GA I drew this to his attention. The GA being a very thoughtful person showed some serious concern and asked me what I intended to do about it. I suggested that we send a signal (wireless message) to Temple Trees requesting flares and equipment as an aid for night fighting. At that time we did not even have any army issue battery operated torches.

The GA had a direct Army wireless link to Temple Trees the official residence and command centre of the Prime Minister. He agreed and a signal was sent to Temple Trees requesting flares to light up the sky in the dark in the event of likely night attacks on the police stations. There was no response to the signal sent.

Some months later I was told by Capt Samaratunga, one of a few of the trusted and handpicked officers on duty at Temple Trees, that some of the other officers at Temple Trees had virtually laughed and ridiculed me on the signal sent by me and had said that I had got the jitters and was afraid. About a week later there was panic at Temple Trees when news of the Wellawaya attack that had taken place at night was received. He said it was no laughing matter then and all hell broke loose when news of a number of police stations fell into the hands of the insurgents that night and in the subsequent nights.

Meanwhile we continued to work with the police by day but at night patrolled the roads ourselves. During this period we never arrested anyone. Our only suspicions were on the cyclists. Inspector Arthanayake, the OIC at Tissamaharama police station, filled me in with information that parents had reported certain young family members had gone missing. Some had said that their children had gone to Diyatalawa for training.

He had arrested a youth who had been to such a camp and was trained to assemble and dismantle weapons. The matter had been referred to the CID but nothing had eventuated. There were mixed messages that there was something in the air but no intelligence to pin point any real threat on How, When and Where?

The poster campaigns

One of the effective ways the JVP conveyed their propaganda was by way of posters and slogans written on the walls of private and public buildings. They were everywhere and with a bit of boredom creeping up I thought I should exercise some initiative and embarked on a cleanup operation that got me into trouble. I got my men and some bystanders around the Hambantota bus stand to tear down the posters and obliterate the messages written on the walls.

This did not go on for long as I was soon summoned by the GA Mr Sonny Goonewardene who in no uncertain terms asked me as to who gave me permission to carry out the cleanup operation. He was very angry and upset as among the people whom I had asked to participate in the clean up was a senior employee of his staff. He very politely but sternly told me that in future he would provide me with the labour I needed. I realized that I had erred in my judgment and apologized to the GA.

I had a lot of respect for the GA not only as a superior official but for his calmness and insight and wisdom he imparted on me. The message was simple, loud and clear I did not have the license to do as I pleased in a military uniform even under the state of Emergency that prevailed.

The poster campaign was not confined to the JVP. I came across one that was amusing and said ” Do not write or urinate on my wall, socialism doesn’t begin here”.

Whilst we roamed the length and breath of the Hambantota district there was nothing eventful that happened except that my wife turned up on April 2 and announced that she was at the Hambantota rest house. I had not been in communication with her since mid March. Capt Ratnasabapathy had arranged accommodation at a discounted rate (I think it was Rs 50 per day) and assured her that it was safe, which prompted her to hitch a lift in a Browns Group car coming to their hotel at Amaduwa. She based herself at the rest house and was busy visiting friends and relatives at Hambantota which had a fair sized Malay community.

On April 4 evening she point blank refused to stay at the rest house saying that there had been some strange bearded and unshaven characters drinking and lurking around at the rest house during the day. This compelled me to put her up at Weerawila in Army style accommodation, making her sleep on the floor on a mat.

April 5 morning when it all began

On April 5, 1971 I had to go to Matara to drop a few of my men going on leave which included Gunner Brohier who had lost his brother in a snake bite accident. My wife too was in the vehicle (unauthorized) when as usual we encountered a herd of wild elephants near the salt pans, which was a frightful real life experience for her.

At the Matara Railway station I met Capt Naleem, Adjutant of 3V Gemunu Watch Regiment who was going to Colombo to attend a conference at Army Headquarters. He told me the Army was expecting trouble and plans were afoot to deploy more troops to most parts of the island.

Whilst returning from Matara I was stopped opposite the Hambantota Police station and was informed that the Wellawaya police station had been attacked and that I was to return to Wirawila immediately and contact my regiment. At Weerawila I got on to the wireless set and got in touch with the adjutant, Capt Samarakoon, who told me that the police station at Wellawaya had been attacked and there were casualties but details were sketchy as all communications had been cut off.

I was ordered to proceed to Wellawaya immediately and report back on the situation. I quickly gathered some soldiers, a wireless set and headed for Wellawaya post haste in a jeep and a truck. When I approached the police station the area around it was like a battlefield littered with spent shotgun cartridges, empty tins and items of clothing and footwear. The police station had taken a battering, the telephone and power lines were cut.

Eye witnesses had confirmed that a large group of insurgents some dressed in blue uniforms had carried out the attack. To this day I regret that I did not have a camera (they were hard to come by during that period) to capture the scene before my eyes. It was unbelievable that such an outrageous raid had been conducted against the state and was certainly a critical moment in history.

There was the body of the reserve police constable lying at the entrance of the police station. The police were dumbfounded and in a state of shock after their ordeal. Some expressed that they were lucky to be alive. There had been another policeman who had been shot and had died in hospital. We were told that a few policemen had just returned from a patrol and as customary the arms and ammunition were locked up in the strong room by the reserve PC on duty. He had then ventured out to the verandah to have a smoke when a group of Che Guveras who had surrounded the police station opened fire killing him.

With the police station under fire and no access to any firearms there was very little the police could do until a brave policeman to crawled up to the dead constable and retrieved the keys enabling them to retaliate and return fire. After a few hours the attack was repulsed and with the break of dawn the insurgents retreated taking with them their dead and injured leaving behind fired and unspent shotgun cartridges. It was strange that the insurgents with their numbers did not storm the police station during the lull, perhaps they lacked decisive leadership..

Whilst walking around the compound of the police station I was alerted to the fact that there was a dead insurgent. A closer look revealed he had a huge exit wound in the back of his chest as a result of a bullet fired from a rifle and had lost a lot of blood. Someone noticed a slight twitch in his body and shouted that he was alive. No sooner was this said a rifle was raised by a policeman to smash his skull; this was thwarted by one of the soldiers who pushed him off balance.

The policeman had a point in saying that there was no point in letting him live. It may have been improbable that he could have survived anyway. However it was not a question of pity but one of anger and hurt on the part of the policeman who reacted that way. This was quite understandable considering what they had gone through that he reacted in this manner. We despatched the injured man in the army truck to hospital but he was confirmed as dead on arrival.

Although we as “Gunners” were the first Army personnel on the scene there was nothing further we could do but report back on the situation. To do this I was in a dilemma as radio transmission and reception on my set was impossible and there was no way I could contact my Headquarters. I was told that I could go to Moneragala as the GA there was in direct contact with Temple Trees. Wellawaya in fact came under the jurisdiction of the GA Moneragala. I decided to race back to Weerawila leaving the soldiers and the truck behind.

I reported back to regimental headquarters as to what I had seen and heard about the attack. I asked for instructions and if it was necessary for me to pursue the insurgents who had retreated to the jungles. Permission was refused. I was told that two platoons of reinforcements from the 1st battalion Gemunu Watch based at Diyatalawa was being sent and that a helicopter would be arriving at the location with senior Army and Police officials. On arrival of the platoons from Diyatalawa I was to return to Weerawila.

Having raced back to Wellawaya I awaited the arrival of the chopper which landed shortly. There was Maj Gratiaen Silva, DIG Rudra Rajasingham, The GA Moneragala, Mr Fernando, and the Magistrate. Soon after the helicopter had landed the two platoons of the first battalion Gemunu Watch under the command of Captain Lalin Fernando and Lt Gibbrey Muthalib arrived at the scene.

Lt Muthalib was subsequently seriously wounded and suffered serious head injuries and had to be airlifted to Colombo. He survived and retired as a Major General as did Capt Lalin Fernando.

Whilst the inquiries were being conducted in the police station premises I accompanied the two Airforce pilots, Flight Lieutenants Rahim and Manoharan, and was showing them around when I heard some movement in a bush nearby and drew my revolver on instinct. suddenly two youths ran out putting their hands up and pleading not to shoot them as they had come only yesterday. ” Vedi thiyanna epa, eeyay apu gaman”. Capt Lalin had also drawn his revolver and raced towards the youths and managed to get hold of one of them by his collar, the other made no attempt to escape.

They were both subjected to a good beating by some of the policemen who took them into custody. They were very young and clad in shirt and sarong and what they had in their possession was a bag with two home made bombs (Molotov cocktails ) but no matches to light the bombs. I felt sorry for them as they may have hidden in the bushes in fear during the attack with all the gunfire and bombs exploding and had left it till too late to escape. If perhaps they had waited for another hour or so they may have made their escape under the cover of darkness. Being there without food and water throughout the day in the intense heat may have been too much to bear. To this date I wonder what their fate was?

A few years ago I met Flt Lt Rahim in Canada. He retired as a Group Captain and when reminiscing on this incident recalled that the helicopter could not get back to Katunayake but forced to land at Ratmalana as they were running out of fuel. He mentioned that they had to undertake a perilous journey to make their way back to Katunayake passing through a multitude of road blocks manned by very jittery armed police and servicemen.

The insurgents had planned to carry out their attacks under the cover of darkness and stage simultaneous attacks on as many police stations islandwide on the night of April 5. Whilst the army was deployed as a proactive strategy to deter an uprising there were no plans set in place to counter simultaneous night attacks on all police stations. In fact there was a total lack of intelligence of any planned night attacks at all. It was ironical that the insurgents had themselves conveyed their intentions by way of postcards to some of the police stations. The premature and bungled date of the attack on Wellawaya took that element of surprise away.

In my opinion it was a godsend that saved the government from humiliation. Had simultaneous attacks taken place on a single night and the police stations overrun, the weapons and ground lost to the insurgents would have contributed to a more protracted and bloody conflict.

As it was late in the day and with the platoons from GW in place I headed back to Weerawila. On my drive back I was contemplating what course of action I should take? Back at camp there was no specific orders or instructions for me. There were radio broadcasts that a 24-hour curfew had been imposed as a result of the attack on the Wellawaya police station, there were no reports of any other police stations being attacked at this point of time. The news report would have certainly caused great concern to the family members about the platoon’s safety in the absence of any means of communication.

The April 5 night Weerawila was partially abandoned. On the strength of what was witnessed I made the decision to partially abandon Weerawila. It was of no strategic importance to the insurgents who would be reluctant to take on the Army. It was thought best that we visit as many police stations as possible rather than be holed up at Weerawila protecting no one. I left behind two soldiers with the wireless equipment and hit the road with all the transport at my disposal. It was a risk we had to take as we could not abandon the camp totally.

The large number of vehicles created an impression of a sizeable force although in effect there were less than 20 men. That night we stuck to the coastal belt Hambantota, Hungama Ambalantota and spent some time at these stations and left much to the disappointment of the police

With a curfew in place the roads were deserted and the night was pitch dark as we finally made our way to the Tissamaharama Police station around midnight. They were glad to see us as they were expecting an attack, in fact every police station was fearing one.. We took up positions around the police station premises which was flanked by the road in front and a small paddy field on the side.

A Light Machine gun was positioned to cover this open area as there were houses to the rear and the other side which restricted the use of this weapon, the rest of the area was covered by armed soldiers. It was a long night and a tiring one. The soldiers were struggling to stay awake when all of a sudden there was a huge crackling sound and the streetlights went off. Simultaneously the LMG also opened fire and moment later a rifle or two.

Being dark there was nothing we could see but from time to time shots were fired by a soldier or two at imaginary movements that kept the rest of the troops awake. There were no shots fired towards the police station. Daybreak was indeed a relief. It was later revealed that chains had been thrown over the power lines to short circuit the electricity network.



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The Truth will set us free – I

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Sri Lanka becoming a Macbethian sick state?

The traditional ritual of anointing medicinal oil (or ‘hisa thel gaema’ in Sinhalese, literally, applying oil to the head) is unique to the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda observances. This year, the ritual was performed at the auspicious moment of 9:04 a.m. (Sri Lanka time) on Wednesday April 16. It was observed at appointed venues across the country at the same time. The anointing was done, as usual, mostly by Buddhist monks in their monasteries.

Where they were not available for the purpose, a senior citizen would do the needful. The oil anointing ceremony was held to invoke blessings of good health on all the individuals who subjected themselves to the ritual. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was shown participating in the oil anointing ceremony at the historic Kolonnawa Raja Maha Viharaya. There were many social media videos showing similar oil anointing scenes that included even elephants and hippos in a zoo receiving the compassionate treatment; this is not seen as going too far with traditions, for extending loving-kindness even to animals is taken for granted in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Watching this ritual (that used to be so familiar for me in my childhood and youth) from abroad I couldn’t help my eyes filling with tears, feeling kind of homesick, in spite of me having spent more than forty-three years of my adult life living and working away from my Mother Country Sri Lanka.

Though usually Buddhist monks do the anointing, it is not considered a religious practice by the ordinary Buddhists. It is only a part of the completely secular Sinhala Aluth Avurudda festival. The most important annual religious festival for the Sinhalese (especially Sinhala Buddhists) is Vesak, which will be held next month. However, the oil anointing ceremony impresses on the Avurudu celebrants the great importance of maintaining their physical and mental health throughout the coming year, reflecting the high level of attention that our traditional culture pays to that objective.

Prof. Snyder

However, the actual discrepancy that is noticed between the ideal and the reality in the mundane world, as in other countries, is a different matter. Shining beacons like ideals of a long-evolved culture are important for what they are; their importance doesn’t go away because those ideals are only imperfectly realised by the people of that culture. But the values endure.

The news of this happy occasion and my awareness of a deepening political and cultural malaise in my beloved Motherland back home reminded me of a book I read during the Covid-19 lockdown period of 2020-2022: OUR MALADY by American historian and public intellectual, the Yale University professor Timothy D. Snyder published in 2020. The book, whose subtitle is ‘Liberty and Solidarity’, is about the weakness of the American healthcare system that he himself got a taste of, privately.

Professor Snyder came to know first-hand how America failed its citizens in the public healthcare sphere as an inmate of a hospital ward, where he was admitted to the emergency room at midnight on December 29, 2019. He was complaining of a condition of severe bodily ‘malaise’. Doctors later told him that he had an abscess the size of a baseball in his liver. The emergency operation to remove the abscess was done after seventeen hours of his having had to wait confined to a hospital bed!

‘Rage’ is the word he repeatedly uses to describe how he felt during his hospitalisation. He was not raging against God or any particular person or a group or the bacteria that caused his illness. ‘I raged against a world where I was not’, Snyder writes in the Prologue to the book (implying how much he was angry about there not being a healthy enough healthcare system to look after Americans who fell ill like himself. The book grew out of entries he made in a diary that he maintained while recuperating in hospital. Proficient in a number of European languages including English, French and Polish, he adopts a sort of poetic idiom to deal with his naturally dull subject.

He imagined he was not suffering in solitude, though. He thought about other Americans in his situation, and empathised with them. The absence of a sound healthcare system is America’s malady according to Snyder. Probably, the current situation in America is different, having changed for the better. We must remember that the time he is talking about was the last year of the first term (January 20, 2017-January 20, 2021) of the 45th US president Donald Trump of the Republican Party.

Currently, Trump is serving as the 47th US president. The ideas that professor Snyder develops in the book have global topical relevance, I think. They are organised into four Chapters or ‘Lessons’ as he dubs them, which in my opinion, have implications that could be utilised even by the citizens of the Macbethian ‘sick state’ that Sri Lanka has become today, complete with a Macbeth (though a muppet) and a shadowy but more determined Lady Macbeth.

Timothy Snyder offers the four Lessons for his fellow Americans, and by extension, to fellow humans around the world including us, Sri Lankans. Perhaps these are uniquely American issues, with little direct relevance to a small country like Sri Lanka with no stake in the international pharmaceutical industry. But then no country can escape from the implications of the following facts (taken from Wikipedia): In 2023, the global pharmaceutical industry earned revenues of US $ 1.48 trillion, whereas the top 10 arms manufacturing companies earned only US $ 632 billion. In the same year, the global life and health insurance carriers industry, which is the biggest industry in the world in terms of revenue, earned US $ 4.3 trillion.

Our own late medical professor Senake Bibile (1920-1977), a pharmacology expert and a rare philanthropist and compassionate social activist of the Trotskyite Sama Samaja party persuasion who always had the welfare of the suffering poor at heart, met his death allegedly in mysterious circumstances in Guyana where he was attending a UN conference, promoting the domestic drug policy that he had developed for Sri Lanka, as a model for use in other countries and by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for developing policies for ‘rational pharmaceutical use’.

It goes without saying that Sri Lankans are also highly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of the inhuman excesses of the purely profit oriented international Big Pharma; these harmful consequences get transferred to the innocent citizens magnified several times through the unholy alliance between the local corporate drugs mafiosi and corrupt politicians. Be that as it may, Snyder adds another three equally important related points, covering all four, each in a Lesson that must receive the utmost attention of all adult Sri Lankans: health care for children and children’s education, truth in politics, and the supremacy of the doctors’ role in a malady situation. We will look at these briefly, intermittently taking our eyes off America to reflect on our own country Sri Lanka.

Lesson 1 is ‘Health care is a human right’.

Despite its wealth, professor Snyder complains, America is a sick nation; life expectancy is falling for Americans. Moody’s Analytics suggests that US millennials will die younger than their parents or grandparents, though there is no lack of money spent. What is causing this decline in life expectancy? Snyder’s unsettling answer is that the American healthcare system prioritises profit over people’s lives. America still lacks a universal healthcare system, in spite of being a supporter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and this leads to unequal access to health care, as Snyder asserts.

Exorbitantly priced commercial medicine has a devastating effect on the protection of the health-care rights of the people. It has robbed the American citizens of their health, in Snyder’s view. The American health-care system’s profit-focussed approach and lack of investment in protective equipment for medical professionals jeopardised their safety during the Covid-19 pandemic. In America, 20 million people lost their jobs and over 150,000 died from pandemic. Health insurance became too expensive, and health care unaffordable. Without a diagnosis, many became dangerously ill or unknowingly infected others with the virus.

Though poor, Sri Lanka beats America in respect of looking after public health. It has a better record in providing satisfactory health care for the citizens. The state runs an almost 100% free medicare service for all the citizens. There is a (kind of) parallel paid private hospital system as well, that caters to the better off segment of the population that can resort to it if they prefer to do so. This potentially eases the burden on the free state medical services, which can then focus more on attending to the needs of the economically weaker section of the population.

The maintenance by the state of such a public welfare-based healthcare system is desired and supported by our dominant socio-cultural background that strongly resonates with the humanistic spirit of the Aluth Avurudda that prioritises health over all forms of wealth. This is embodied in the principle Arogya parama labha ‘Good health is the greatest wealth’, the antithesis of the American attitude towards citizens’ health.

Sri Lanka was among the handful of countries that contained the Covid-19 pandemic most efficiently, minimizing deaths, whereas in America, according to Snyder, flaws in the healthcare system were aggravated by the contagion. This led to more deaths in America than in other wealthy nations like Japan and Germany. But the not so well-to-do Sri Lanka escaped with a minimum number of Covid-caused fatalities amidst obstacles mounted by antinationalist ill-wishers as I saw it at the time. That is Professor Snyder’s Lesson 1, which is about the human right of easily accessible health care. Sri Lanka is actually ahead of America in this respect in spite of relative poverty.

by Rohana R. Wasala

(To be concluded.)

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Four-day work week; too much rigidity; respectful farewell  

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Large crowds attracted by the Dalada Vandana in Kandy. (Image Courtesy Hiru News)

I received a video that announced Japan was considering changing to a four-day work week. Suspicious of such news in my cell phone, I googled and found that certain countries had already opted for work weeks of four days and thus three-day weekends. This change too is a consequence of closedowns of work due to the Covid pandemic.

“Several countries are experimenting with or have implemented four-day work weeks, including Belgium, Iceland, Spain, the United Kingdom and Portugal. Other countries like Germany, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the US have also shown interest in, or have tested the four-day work week model.”

The video I got was about Japan changing its government work week to four days from mid-April with many projected objectives. One is to improve government employees’ work-life balance and to address the country’s declining birth rate. Also, the hours of the work day are to be reduced so parents can spend more time caring for their kids termed: ‘Childcare partial leave’. Flexible work hours for women to be implemented so choosing between careers and family will not be necessary.

In Germany experimental trials were carried out in 2023-24 involving 43 companies; 73% plan to continue with the new work structure. Noted for productivity and efficiency, Germany has in addition to one day less working, on average only 34 hours per week. A five-day week of 9 to 5 has 40 work hours per week. Fewer hours at work has been found to promote smarter and more focussed effort with employees happier and more engaged.

Long ago in the 1970s Cassandra shifted from employment in the private sector to a semi government job. She was shocked at the laissez faire attitude of her co-workers in an information centre. Most came to work at around 9.00 am: discussed the bus journey and home; had breakfast; read the morning newspapers; did a bit of work and were ready to have lunch by 12.00 noon. Two hours for this and half for a small snooze. Work till 3.30 pm or so when books/files were closed and grooming selves commenced, to depart at 4.30 pm sharp.

The work ethic in a remote government school and a private school in a city were as opposed to each other as the proverbial chalk to cheese. Do minimum against teaching; don’t care attitude to dedication and commitment; take leave to maximum vs hardly taking leave in consideration of the fact parents of students pay fees; non disciplining principals to dedicated pedagogues who set an example.

Cassandra supposes, and correctly, that with the change of government and a system change, even though many offices are overstaffed, employees put in a solid day’s work. The public is better served, most definitely.

Hence how would it be for Sri Lanka to lop off one work day a week? There will certainly be benefits, but aren’t many of us complaining about the presence of too many public holidays; we enjoy 24 to 30 a year including every full moon Poya Day. A travesty!

Pope Francis

The utter mayhem of Poya weekends

Those who lived through the period when the calendar in this overzealous Buddhist country went lunar (sic) and made the four Poya Days of a month and half the pre-Poya Day as the country’s weekend. It was a total mess since many a week had more than five week days in it till the moon changed from one phase to another. Ceylon was completely out of sync with the rest of the world. That was in 1966 with Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister. Mercifully, in 1970, the Saturday Sunday weekend was reverted to, and sanity regained.

Conclusion is that making our week of four days’ work and weekend three days has to be carefully considered, tested and implemented, or kept as it is. Better it would be if government offices were pruned of excess staff recruited on politicians’ orders and genuinely legitimate officers made to work efficiently.

VVIP Mother in queue

A photograph made the rounds on social media of a frail looking, white haired lady in a queue in Kandy moving slowly to pay homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic. It was said to be President AKD’s mother who was hospitalised just a couple of months ago. Admired is her devotion as well as the fact she came incognito; not informing her son of her intended travel.

But Cass is censorious. Here was a genuine case of needing a bit of stretching of points and helping her to fulfil her desire to pay homage with ease. After all, he is working hard and very probably long hours to get this country on an even keel. He needs appreciation and if he refuses advantages, let a less able person benefit.

A truly honourable Pope

Roman Catholics across the globe mourn the death of the 266th Pope on the Monday after the Easter weekend; and the world respects and reveres him. People comment he must have willed himself to live through Easter, even presenting himself to crowds gathered in the huge grounds of St Peter’s Basilica.

Pope Francis was born Jorge Bergoglio on December 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was inspired to join the Society of Jesus or Jesuits in 1958 after a serious illness. Ordained a Catholic priest in 1969, he was the Jesuit provincial superior in Argentina from 1973 to 79. He became the Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was created a cardinal in 2001 by Pope John Paul II. He was elected in the papal conclave following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI as head of the Catholic Church and Sovereign of the Vatican City State in 1913, claiming many firsts: a Jesuit becoming Pope; first from America, from the Southern Hemisphere. He chose his papal name in honour of Saint Francis of Assisi, kind to all living beings. “Throughout his public life, Francis was noted for his humility, emphasis on God’s mercy, international visibility as pope, concern for the poor and commitment to interreligious dialogue. He was known for having a less formal approach to the papacy than his predecessors.”

We remember his visit to Sri Lanka from January 13 to 15, 2015, when he travelled to the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and canonized Sri Lanka’s first saint, Joseph Vaz. He conducted a Mass and bestowed blessings to the multitude at Galle Face Green. As he entered and left the Green, he placed his hands on the heads of infants, children, the very poor, the old and infirm; never mind oil and dirt on heads. A truly great and good person.

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Kashmir terror attack underscores need for South Asian stability and amity

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Security forces in India-administered Kashmir following the recent terror attack on tourists.

The most urgent need for the South Asian region right now, in the wake of the cold-blooded killing by gunmen of nearly 30 local tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir two days back, is the initiation of measures that could ensure regional stability and peace. The state actors that matter most in this situation are India and Pakistan and it would be in the best interests of the region for both countries to stringently refrain from succumbing to knee-jerk reactions in the face of any perceived provocations arising from the bloodshed.

The consequences for the countries concerned and the region could be grave if the terror incident leads to stepped-up friction and hostility between India and Pakistan. Some hardline elements in India, for instance, are on record in the international media as calling on the Indian state to initiate tough military action against Pakistan for the Kashmiri terror in question and a positive response to such urgings could even lead to a new India-Pakistan war.

Those wishing South Asia well are likely to advocate maximum restraint by both states and call for negotiations by them to avert any military stand-offs and conflicts that could prove counter-productive for all quarters concerned. This columnist lends his pen to such advocacy.

Right now in Sri Lanka, nationalistic elements in the country’s South in particular are splitting hairs over an MoU relating to security cooperation Sri Lanka has signed with India. Essentially, the main line of speculation among these sections is that Sri Lanka is coming under the suzerainty of India, so to speak, in the security sphere and would be under its dictates in the handling of its security interests. In the process, these nationalistic sections are giving fresh life to the deep-seated anti-India phobia among sections of the Sri Lankan public. The eventual result will be heightened, irrational hostility towards India among vulnerable, unenlightened Sri Lankans.

Nothing new will be said if the point is made that such irrational fears with respect to India are particularly marked among India’s smaller neighbouring states and their publics. Needless to say, collective fears of this kind only lead to perpetually strained relations between India and her neighbours, resulting in regional disunity, which, of course would not be in South Asia’s best interests.

SAARC is seen as ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and its present dysfunctional nature seems to give credence to this belief. Continued friction between India and Pakistan is seen as playing a major role in such inner paralysis and this is, no doubt, the main causative factor in SARRC’s current seeming ineffectiveness.

However, the widespread anti-India phobia referred to needs to be factored in as playing a role in SAARC’s lack of dynamism and ‘life’ as well. If democratic governments go some distance in exorcising such anti-Indianism from their people’s psyches, some progress could be made in restoring SAARC to ‘life’ and the latter could then play a constructive role in defusing India-Pakistan tensions.

It does not follow that if SAARC was ‘alive and well’, security related incidents of the kind that were witnessed in India-administered Kashmir recently would not occur. This is far from being the case, but if SAARC was fully operational, the states concerned would be in possession of the means and channels of resolving the issues that flow from such crises with greater amicability and mutual accommodation.

Accordingly, the South Asian Eight would be acting in their interests by seeking to restore SAARC back to ‘life’. An essential task in this process is the elimination of mutual fear and suspicion among the Eight and the states concerned need to do all that they could to eliminate any fixations and phobias that the countries have in relation to each other.

It does not follow from the foregoing that the SAARC Eight should not broad base their relations and pull back from fostering beneficial ties with extra-regional countries and groupings that have a bearing on their best interests. On the contrary, each SAARC country’s ties need to be wide-ranging and based on the principle that each such state would be a friend to all countries and an enemy of none as long as the latter are well-meaning.

The foregoing sharp focus on SAARC and its fortunes is necessitated by the consideration that the developmental issues in particular facing the region are best resolved by the region itself on the basis of its multiple material and intellectual resources. The grouping should not only be revived but a revisit should also be made to its past programs; particularly those which related to intra-regional conflict resolution. Thus, talking to each other under a new visionary commitment to SAARC collective wellbeing is crucially needed.

On the question of ties with India, it should be perceived by the latter’s smaller neighbours that there is no getting away from the need to foster increasingly closer relations with India, today a number one global power.

This should not amount to these smaller neighbours surrendering their rights and sovereignty to India. Far from it. On the contrary these smaller states should seek to craft mutually beneficial ties with India. It is a question of these small states following a truly Non-aligned foreign policy and using their best diplomatic and political skills to structure their ties with India in a way that would be mutually beneficial. It is up to these neighbours to cultivate the skills needed to meet these major challenges.

Going ahead, it will be in South Asia’s best interests to get SAARC back on its feet once again. If this aim is pursued with visionary zeal and if SAARC amity is sealed once and for all intra-regional friction and enmities could be put to rest. What smaller states should avoid scrupulously is the pitting of extra-regional powers against India and Pakistan in their squabbles with either of the latter. This practice has been pivotal in bringing strife and contention into South Asia and in dividing the region against itself.

Accordingly, the principal challenge facing South Asia is to be imbued once again with the SAARC spirit. The latter spirit’s healing powers need to be made real and enduring. Thus will we have a region truly united in brotherhood and peace.

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