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The tragedy and power of a single story

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Palestinian children affected by the war in Gaza

by Ruwanthie de Chickera

“And always, after the dust of the war rhetoric settles, after the bitter old men, who drove the masses to madness, grow senile or die off; the world looks around, blinks and realises it has lost far too much, yet again, to death or to hatred.”

I am sick and tired of people not taking a stand on Palestine because they fear it is a ‘complex’ issue; they don’t know enough of the history, they are neither Israeli or Palestinian or they have Palestinian, Israeli, Arab, Jewish, Christian, American, German friends, colleagues or relatives…

To me, the situation is so horrific, so bleak, so desperate that any (previous) complexity has now been stripped away. There is nothing complicated or nuanced about taking a stand against occupation, against apartheid, against starving out a population, against indiscriminate violence, against genocide. I thought we, as a generation, were bringing up our children in a world where these were absolute, uncompromisable values.

I even wish we were still at a point where we were actually dealing with a complex issue — a problem that had multiple conflicting angles, that needed to be pondered on, deliberated; that required bilateral compromise or mediation; that was still at that crossroad where thoughtful negotiation could lead us away from the precipice.

Unfortunately, we are far past that post. We have fallen off the precipice of complexity and are now being confronted with the stark singularity of needless mass murder. The problem we face, as a world community, is now horrifyingly simple. At this moment, in Gaza, a ferociously armed military, urged on by an unapologetically racist regime, backed by the world’s largest arms dealers, funded by the most powerful nations and protected by the world’s most powerful media organisations, is systematically bombing and destroying a sliver of land inhabited mostly by stateless, displaced people, the majority of whom are children.

Just as the problem is horrifyingly stark, the path being taken is also horrifyingly clear. Before us lies systematic killing, more killing, even more killing and then the possible weight of yet another genocide.

Complex problems are a luxury. They require some level of parity. So, for the sake of peace, and despite the enormous disparity of power between the Israeli State and the Palestinian people, I would even grant that this was a complex issue right up to the point of the Hamas attack on October 7th. After decades of violence, subjugation and humiliation meted out to the Palestinian people by the Israeli state, by settlers and by the military, Hamas’ latest retaliation was terrible and violent. Civilians were gunned down. Adults and children were taken hostage. The problem is complex because, while it is impossible to condone what Hamas did, it is possible to understand why they did it.

If, in response to this attack, the Israeli government had paused to reflect on the self-defeating trajectory of violence; if it had found the courage and the integrity to denounce this path and chosen, instead, to prioritise, the safety of its own citizens taken hostage, negotiate for their release in exchange for the 5,000-odd Palestinian prisoners it is holding; if it had agreed to dialogue, to finding a just resolution to a complex problem confronting two wounded peoples; if any of this had happened, this problem would have remained a complex one. There would have been different ways to interpret what the next step ought to be, which party was contributing to the solution and who was exacerbating the problem etc…

Instead, the Israeli govt. chose (I would say gleefully) the most violent response conceivable — insisting that for every Israeli life taken, several Palestinians must die (even at the cost of more Israeli lives in the process), cutting the supply of water, food and electricity to an impoverished (largely child) population of 2 million trapped in Gaza and proceeding to bomb it continuously for over two weeks now.

This response has plummeted this tragic and complex story to a level where there now is only one telling of it. A single story of the systematic destruction of one people by another, across a great and deep imbalance of power.

Throughout history, the greed and evil of (often a handful of) human beings have brought us, repeatedly, to low points such as this. Points where the scales are so imbalanced, that, after it all, there has been only one story that could ever be told.

The destruction of the First Nation people, the Aboriginals, and other indigenous people by colonisers; the slave trade; the Holocaust; the Rwandan genocide; the ethnic cleansing of the Kurds; the genocide against the Rohingya; the war crimes at the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war; all these were low points in history where, at least with time, a single story of unmatched and terrible violence has emerged.

And always, after the dust of the war rhetoric settles, after the bitter old men, who drove the masses to madness, grow senile or die off; the world looks around, blinks and realises it has lost far too much, yet again, to death or to hatred.

Within all of these single stories that we inherited, there would have existed contradictions and complexities, whether genuine or manufactured, which — due to the scale of the tragedy, the obviousness of the crime, the enduring inhumanness of the intent, the power imbalance — have ultimately been reduced to irrelevance. No one is interested in pointing fingers at a few Jews who might have killed Nazis, no one tells the stories of slave men who may have been driven to violence, no one wants to know if the First Nation people really were the first to inhabit the land they lived in. No amount of ‘complexity’ can change the shape of the scar left behind after a generation of people are killed.

Today, if the Israeli state, backed by America, the UK and Europe, are allowed to proceed down this path, the world will inherit the weight of another single story of colossal tragedy.

How to solve the larger, more complex problem I don’t know. What I do know are simple lessons I have learnt from history — that violence begets violence and bigotry begets bigotry. Even if the Israeli state succeeds in killing or forcibly expelling the Palestinian people from Gaza (and, maybe, after that The West Bank), they will be left with a new generation of Palestinian children with even stronger reasons to hate Israel. They would correspondingly inherit an even more paranoid Israeli state, whose most violent and extreme citizens will continue to live their lives in fear or by violence. This kind of existence ultimately implodes, and destroys itself. History has taught us this.

Ironically, the loss of life is a problem one can leave behind. The loss of humanity is a disease one carries on. It pervades one’s family, one’s relationships, one’s mind, life and legacy.

This, again, is a larger problem for more complex times. At this moment, we must recognise that the crimes being committed in Gaza; while being perpetrated or permitted by self-serving cohorts within the Israel state, the US, UK, EU and UN; are so enormous that they weigh on our collective conscience.

We are not the first population to carry a burden of such responsibility. During slavery, during the Holocaust, during the genocide against the First Nation people, and during all the other crimes against humanity, there would have been countless numbers, not directly involved in the violence, who didn’t really believe that any of it was happening, or who believed that there was some rationale or justification to it all. People who wanted to be fair and look at ‘both sides’ — did the Jews really deserve it? were the slaves actually sub-human? did the First Nation people provoke the massacres? Most of these people who asked these questions were not inherently bad people, but at a time when resistance could have saved human lives, they chose silence and thereby endorsement. After the inevitable tragedy unfolded, everyone seemed surprised at the scale of it.

Today, there lies no excuse for not knowing. This single story of collective tragedy, shame, cowardice and hypocrisy is happening on our watch. Our children, who will inherit the world we create today, will ask us – just as we asked our parents, and they asked their parents — why did you allow this to happen? what did you do to stop it?

A single story of tragedy is an awful curse to bear. But it can be replaced by a single story of resistance. Instead of inheriting the collective shame of inaction, why can’t we all add our strength to a categorical demand right now — NO to Violence. NO to Apartheid. NO to Occupation. NEVER AGAIN to Genocide.

In order to do this we have to stop paying lip service — within our families, our offices, our religious institutions, our social initiatives — to the kind of world we want to create for ourselves and future generations. We stand on yet another starting point, yet another turning point, yet another point of no return. It holds, within it, the power to change the trajectory of a ‘complex’ problem that has plagued three generations of people over the past 75 years.

I want to end with a short anecdote. Like all over the world, in Sri Lanka too, people have been gathering together to protest the ongoing horror in Palestine. At the most recent protest I attended, I was standing next to a young, bespectacled man, who was clearly out of his comfort zone within the protest. He hardly raised his voice, he looked bewildered, but he stood with us, in the pouring rain, in the face of police resistance and intimidation, holding up a banner demanding the end to genocide. I had to ask him why he was there. His answer was not complex. It was powerfully simple. “I am a pharmacist. I watched the bombing of the hospital yesterday. I could not sleep. What is happening is wrong.”

If the courageous and empathetic Israelis whose family members were killed or taken hostage can call for peace and a cessation of hostilities, why can’t we?

If the traumatised people of Gaza, right now being bombed, are calling for peace, why can’t we?

If a timid pharmacist cannot sleep at night, how can we?



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Features

The Division Bell Mystery

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

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The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

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Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

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Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

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Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

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