Features
The President’s month of reckoning
“I won’t make my speech long. I myself
have stood in the sun like this and said
when will they shut up so we can go back to the classroom.”
Ranil Wickremesinghe, Royal College,
February 22, 2023
“Shut up and sit down! I brought
you into politics.”
Ranil Wickremesinghe, Parliament,
February 23, 2023
The last week of February has turned out to be the busiest for Ranil Wickremesinghe. On Tuesday he defended the government’s immensely unpopular tax policy at a Tax Forum organised by the Sri Lanka Institute of Marketing. On Wednesday he attended a ceremony at his school, Royal College, with Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, making a historical mountain out of the fact that for the first time in Sri Lanka, the country’s two leading faces were classmates. Then on Wednesday he made his most controversial and startling remarks yet about the Local Government elections, denying that there were moves to delay them on the basis that they had not been officially called in the first place.
These developments strongly suggest that the President is engaging in consolidating all the power he has, and all the power he can get. On more than one occasion he has admitted that he remains, then as now, an unpopular and unelected President, a President lacking a mandate. This has not stopped him from pursuing and implementing one austerity measure after another, and justifying it all with the promise of an IMF bailout in the near-future. With protests and a potential reawakening of the aragalaya looming on the horizon, there is no doubt that he and his cohorts will resort to every trick in the book to reinforce his rule and sabotage the Opposition, draining the latter of any credibility.
The Opposition, for its part, remains as divided and fragmented as ever. The main party, the SJB, seems to have decided to focus its energies on attacking, not the government, but its rival, the left-wing NPP. The NPP is the parliamentary wing of the JVP, a party associated with socialist politics. While the SJB has been indulging in red-baiting vis-à-vis the NPP, the NPP has been anything but coherent in its policy positions: less than a month after an MP stated, in public, that they supported the 13th Amendment, for instance, another party MP declared in a newspaper interview that neither the NPP nor the JVP supported it. This, at a time when the SJB has come out in full support of the Amendment, and the President has in his speeches and declarations promised to implement it.
President Wickremesinghe’s remarks on devolution and power-sharing, which is what the 13th Amendment is all about, have activated a section of civil society, as well as mainstream minority Tamil parties, to lend nominal, if conditional, support to his government. The mainstream Tamil parties, particularly the TNA, have been sending mixed signals about their stance on the President. But the more right-wing parties, including C. V. Wigneswaran’s TNPA, have praised the President’s actions. This has arguably pushed the mainstream to the right, forcing it to make a very difficult choice between opposing an unelected President and supporting his superficially progressive remarks on power-sharing.
Superficial is perhaps too strong a word for these reforms, given that they underlie genuine grievances among the country’s minority Tamils. Yet the President’s attempts to pacify the latter been widely perceived and criticised as window-dressing, as nothing more than an attempt to secure votes at a time when Sinhala nationalist electorates that gave thumping majorities to the ruling party, the SLPP, have shifted to other parties.
According to a recent Sri Lanka Opinion Tracker Survey (SLOTS) carried out by the Institute for Health Policy (IHP), the SJB and the NPP are running neck-to-neck and are expected to win a considerable majority at an election. The survey shows that SLPP voters, particularly Sinhala voters, will either defect to the NPP (illustrating very clearly the radicalisation of the middle-classes under this government) or not vote at all (showing their dissatisfaction with politics in general). Against such a backdrop, as Rathindra Kuruwita notes in a recent article to The Diplomat, the President has calculated “that he needs the support of Tamil MPs to be able to govern in the next two years.” In other words, he is trying to compensate for the loss of ethnic majority votes by pandering to ethnic minorities.
On the IMF, too, there are tenuous debates. The SJB and the NPP have both admitted that there is no alternative to a bailout from the organisation. The IMF, however, has not been exact or clear about the timing of the bailout. To pacify people, the government, specifically President Wickremesinghe and MPs like Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, have in public stated that China is the last and only hurdle in debt restructuring talks. Such remarks belie the magnitude of popular opposition to, and hatred of, the austerity measures that the government has put in place to qualify for the bailout. Not surprisingly, while a number of protesters urged the then administration, led by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, to go to the IMF last year, the current regime’s reckless pursuit of austerity at all costs has alienated even them from the IMF: barring a few Colombo-based elite think-tanks, almost everyone has criticised the Wickremesinghe government’s engagements with the IMF.
Complicating all this last week were revelations by a prominent political analyst about the IMF’s stance on austerity in the country. The analyst made two startling exposes: first, that the IMF had urged the recent electricity tariff hikes as a condition for a bailout; and second, that around this time last year, then Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa had been negotiating a significant loan with the Chinese government. This puts the Central Bank’s decision to default in April 2022, when only debt servicing on USD 78 million was needed to be settled that month and payments for a larger International Sovereign Bond (ISB) of USD one billion were due only in July, and the many projects being signed by the government, on the basis that they will help the country achieve financial stability, under question.
In this context, it’s interesting to note that even Colombo-based think-tanks have begun to disagree significantly with the government’s neoliberal economic policies. Nishan de Mel, Executive Director at Verite Research, has in an interview with a local paper contended that the government is “farming out” the task of policymaking to third-party institutions which are barely cognizant of local realities. De Mel’s point is that such a mechanism will not yield “optimised” solutions. What de Mel left out is that the government’s decision to outsource what it should be doing to institutions which are not accountable to locals points at another, even bigger problem: the widely held perception that the government itself lacks a mandate and is acting as though it does not require accountability for anything.
An even more interesting report, compiled by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), a human rights think-tank, shows that among the youth, support for the government’s pro-privatisation agenda is waning. While more than 50% in the survey believe that the State should allow foreign companies to invest in the country and the State should not restrict a person’s earning capacity, well more than 50% believe that government corporations should not be privatised and that they are necessary for the country’s development.
This is at odds with think-tanks, academics, economists, government officials, and even Opposition MPs who argue that State-Owned Enterprises need to be privatised and that they are responsible for the financial crisis. To be sure, a majority in the CPA survey believe that the individual, not the State, should find a job. But an equally strong majority also believe that the State should be spending on welfare. Such responses are paradoxical, and they are an indication of popular perceptions about social welfare and government intervention. Yet they are also at variance with the economic establishment’s views on reform.
It is against these developments that the President is tightening his grip, on the Opposition and on the swelling tide of dissent against his policies. In this he has been helped by the fact that the main Opposition, the SJB, includes several MPs who owe their political careers to him. The point has not escaped the President himself: at parliament last week, he more or less shouted at Opposition parliamentarians to “shut up and sit down”, adding that they were there in parliament because of him. This is hardly the first time that Wickremesinghe has betrayed such paternalistic instincts: an irony, given that in front of the the youth he has tried to exude a more placid image of himself, as his speech at Royal College makes it clear. That said, he has not hesitated to move the law, and if possible the army, against protesting university students, turning the latter into his bête noire.
For all intents and purposes, President Wickremesinghe is skating on thin ice. The President seems to think that the IMF will deliver what the government wants. Colombo’s economic establishment seems to think that the USD 2.9 billion that the government is aiming at will restore investor confidence in the economy. Critics say this is wishful thinking. In any case, March will turn out to be the President’s most eventful month. Students from his school associate the month with the world’s oldest inter school cricket match. They also associate it with what they call “March Madness”: a series of vehicle parades and other events which lead up to that match. For the President and his government, March may also become the month of their reckoning: a fact hardly lost on the regime’s detractors, as they get ready for a spate of protests against a never-ending cascade of austerity measures.
The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
Conduct transparent and truthful investigation to reveal the truth behind Easter Sunday massacre
(Speech delivered, in Colombo, by His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith at the Seventh Year Commemoration of the Easter Sunday Bomb Victims)
Most Venerable Omalpe Sobitha Nayaka Thero, Ven. Sirs, Most Rev. Dr. Andrzej Józwowicz, Apostolic Nuncio in Sri Lanka, Most Rev. Dushantha Rodrigo, Bishop of Colombo of the Anglican Church, Most Rev. Anton Ranjith, Auxiliary Bishop of Colombo and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Batticaloa, His Excellency Andre Franchè, Permanent Representative of the United Nations in Sri Lanka, Rev.
Kannan Kurukkal of the Hindu Community, dear Moulavi Rev. Masook Shajeer, dear Rev. Fathers, brothers and sisters, family members of the Easter 2019 attack victims, Your Excellencies, members of the Diplomatic Corps, Hon. Ministers, Members of Parliament, Distinguished guests and beloved brethren,
TERROR ATTACKS
I wish to first of all thankfully welcome all of you who have accepted our invitation to join us in this 7th Anniversary commemoration ceremony of the Easter Sunday bomb attacks which took place on 21st April 2019. We are aware that due to these destructive attacks 278 people lost their lives and more than 500 people received injuries which harmed them seriously or partially. It also rendered a severe blow to the economy of Sri Lanka and dangerously disturbed the atmosphere of reconciliation and unity that was by then painstakingly established between the different religions and ethnic groups in the aftermath of the 30-year war. St. Anthony’s Church, Kochchikade, where we are now gathered, St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, in Negombo, Zion Church of the Pentecostal Communion in Batticaloa, Cinnamon Grand Hotel, Shangri-La Hotel Colombo, Kingsbury Hotel and Tropical Inn Hotel in Colombo were the scenes of the seven bomb explosions that caused a serious bloodbath killing or maiming fully or partially the innocent worshipers in the Churches and the tourists and staff in the tourist hotels. We cannot but remember that, among the dead there were 68 children. There were 45 tourists from 14 countries who also lost their lives.
HIDDEN AGENDA
That there was a subtle but sure attempt to again create ethnic and religious disharmony in the country through these bomb attacks became clearer to us from the fact that having realised that their attempts to create inter racial and religious disturbances in the aftermath of these attacks had miserably failed due to the constant appeals made by religious leaders for calm, these plotters organised provocative attacks on the Muslim community in the Negombo Poruthota area two weeks after the April 21st attacks, on the night of the 5th May and, once again, on the 11th, 12th and 13th May starting from the Nattandiya-Madampe area, through Kotaramulla to Minuwangoda, throwing stones at Muslim houses and setting Muslim establishments on fire. One Muslim devotee was killed. The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter attacks has, in its final report, in volume one, Chapter 27, spoken extensively of these subsequent provocations. The report has clearly stated that certain Police officers and security personnel had neglected their duty and had done nothing much to control the situation during these sad second series of incidents. I wish to affirm that it is equally important to investigate as to who organised these subsequent attacks. This may have a link to the main attacks on 21st April 2019. One must also verify as to whether anyone in the security establishment prevented those responsible from controlling these attacks as and when they began. In any case looking at these subsequent provocations at creating ethnic strife, one can conclude that some people who disliked the religious leaders’ move to calm down the atmosphere after the Easter attacks, wanted to somehow create strife among the religious and ethnic communities by these subsequent provocations. In this regard, we observe that the Presidential Commission of Inquiry, too, has gone on to identify several persons involved in these post-Easter Sunday attack violent incidents in the aforementioned Chapter 27, who should be further investigated, as there is a real possibility that such acts were linked to the main attack.
In any case we have to gratefully affirm that, it is due to the deep commitment of the Most Venerable Ittepane Dhammalankara Maha Nayaka Thero, the head of the Kotte Chapter of the Siyam Maha Nikaya, and Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Nayaka Thero, who is present here with us today, who joined me in appealing for calm constantly then, over repeated press conferences given, that we succeeded in preventing any violence from breaking out in the aftermath of these bomb attacks.
CULTURE OF MURDER
What we, who organising this commemoration, ask of all those in authority is to kindly inquire into these attacks with severity and seriousness and to reveal to us as to who really was behind them. We state so in the light of the fact that in Sri Lanka, over several past decades, there had come into being a dangerous tendency to let murder, disappearances and political assassinations be buried in the sands of time without any proper investigation or inquiry. This nationally disastrous policy which began in the ’70s, still continues to haunt us as a nation. It is a very sad situation indeed. The rule of law, which had been gradually weakened over this period, especially through political interference, had become a slave of selfishness, political bankruptcy, enthroning of falsity and criminality. The tragedy of all of this, is the spreading of falsity in order to suppress the truth, daring to challenge uprightness and lawfulness within a culture of corruption, leading society into a situation where holders of wealth and power determine the truth and enjoy all the benefits thus leading society into a vortex of evil and the country into a situation of serious moral and spiritual hypocrisy and decay. In this background where values have lost their importance, affecting social discipline and resulting in the deterioration of the most important value of respect for the rule of law, sense of discipline, respect for human life and dignity, civilized and principled behaviour are all seen to be moving away from our society.
What is most distressing is the fact that political leaders had developed a culture where they instrumentalised the security establishment to get them to do illegal acts, violating all codes of decency and good order.
In such a situation searching for the truth, behind some of the major acts of violence and terror that have marked our recent history, has become extremely difficult and cumbersome. An honest search for the truth behind some of the murders, disappearances and acts of corruption has become extremely difficult due to political interference and lying. Even though there is constitutional support for the faithful execution of the law, due to the fact that the institutions guiding these processes are run by people who think and act politically, abusing their freedom and authority, truth will never emerge and often looks so unreachable and distant. We face a question as to whether these institutions or persons handling the search for the truth and manning them do ever comprehend the untold pain that the victims of this violence continue to experience. We do not understand how some people can become so cruel as to do everything in their power to block or obstruct or even willfully seek to mislead these investigations with their own politically motivated fairy tales.
What is surprising is that, when investigations on several of the other past murders and assassinations, as well as disappearances, are also being conducted, some people who have never spoken about those investigations seem to be super interested in airing out their own so called presentations and views on the Easter Sunday 2019 attacks all the time. It is the only matter on which they seem to be active. We ask them why? Is it because of a fear that the truth may finally be found and it is likely to hurt them? What I see in these interferences is an attempt to hide the truth or to sabotage the investigations from taking their objective path. The attempt by these forces, who seem to represent certain political orientations, to block the investigators, from conducting their search for the truth freely, from questioning important players behind the Easter attacks, from engaging in a search for the truth behind new revelations that have surfaced lately, is to be clearly condemned. The attempt by some people to present their own theories concerning these attacks neglecting the possibility that there could have been other hands behind these attacks is also to be flatly rejected. The Easter attacks need to be investigated in all their different aspects, nuances, new revelations, contradictions in evidence that seems to disapprove a purely one-sided analysis. The insistence by one particular political orientation in Sri Lanka to lay the blame only on one group of people, ignoring all the contradictory evidence that has since emerged, is indicative of a certain fear on their side that if all the evidence is sifted through a more complex picture, involving the past political leaders of the country in this attack, could emerge. Else one cannot understand as to why the people representing these political orientations are so excited about the manner in which these investigations are now being conducted.
OTHER ELEMENTS
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry which investigated the Easter Sunday 2019 massacre
, mentioned in its final report that due to time constraints and other factors it could not look into some of the matters that needed special attention. Among these as indicated in the first volume of their report – pages 93-94, the Commission calls upon the authorities to investigate into the role of “Abu Hind” in the plot. On this matter the Commission in the same volume quotes Hadia the wife of Zahran Hasheem, whose evidence is reported in the 17th Chapter of the first volume, pages 218, 219 and 220 and pages 82 and 222. In that statement, Hadiya mentioned that each time her husband was on a call with this “Abu Hind” he asked her to leave the place. The Commission report also affirms that this person, “Abu Hind,” was mentioned again by the then Director of State Intelligence, Nilantha Jayawardena, in his own evidence before the Commission [First Volume p. 218]. And so, it is important to further investigate and find out who this secretive person “Abu Hind” was and whether he had any connection to the Easter Sunday attacks. Indeed, the Commission report does call upon the CID to investigate this matter further [ref. Volume 1 p. 222].
Second, the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry has decreed as follows on the matter concerning Sarah Jasmin, the wife of Hashtoon, the bomber who blew himself up at St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya: “the COI received evidence of two witnesses who testified that Sara was seen alive after the Easter Sunday attacks and had fled to India. In her testimony Hadiya said that after the blast at Sainthamaruthu on 26th April 2019, she lost consciousness. After she regained it, she could faintly hear a voice of a woman which sounded like Sarah. The DNA analysis with the mother of Sarah did not establish that Sarah had died in the blast. In view of this testimony the COI recommends that investigations into Sarah be continued ….” [p. 223, PCOI Final Report Vol. 1].
Another riddle to be solved on this matter is that of verifying if any higher up political or security figure was involved in ordering repeated DNA tests on the alleged piece of spinal bone found at the site of the Sainthamaruthu blast seeking to attribute it to Sarah and to conclude that indeed she died in that blast and did not survive, as alleged by other evidence including that of Hadiya, the wife of Zaharan. Finding out as to what really happened to Sarah after this blast is important as she is said to have known a lot of information about these attacks as the wife of one of the main suicide bombers, Hashtoon.
Third, it has been mentioned in evidence on 16th December 2020 before the PCOI by Chief Inspector Sampath Kumara that all data in the cellular phone and the laptop handed over by the then SIS Director Nilantha Jayawardena to the CID had been found to have been deleted. This is a serious matter and one has to investigate as to whether the said officer Nilantha Jayawardena deliberately erased off all these vital data in order to hide facts pertaining to the attacks and if so why he did that. Further, one needs to investigate thoroughly as to why this same officer tried to mislead the public on the murder of the two policemen at a check point in Batticaloa [Vavunathivu] seeking to protect Zaharan’s group who were the real authors of that murder which was, however, wrongly attributed by Jayawardena to an ex-LTTE cadre. One has to find out as to who prompted this officer to mislead the investigations into these murders and why?
Fourth, it is extremely important to find out as to why, when certain high up officials of the Police and the Security establishment were warned about these attacks several times, by the Indian intelligence services, well ahead of time, they did not take any effective action to prevent them and whether there was a superior involvement in this their gross inaction.
Fifth, it has been reported that the FBI investigations had handed over to the CID, the Internet Protocol [IP] address of a person who spoke frequently with Zaharan Hasheem and “when this person was arrested and was being questioned by the officers of the CID, the then Director of Military Intelligence, Brigadier Chula Kodithuwakku was sent by the Ministry of Defence to prevent the CID from detaining and questioning this person stating that since this person’s activities are a part of a secret military intelligence operation and it would affect national security, he cannot be questioned.” [No. 59 of the FR Petition presented by Shani Abeysekera before the Supreme Court]. We need to find out as to why and who blocked that investigation from proceeding. Who sought to protect the Military Intelligence and the Ministry of Defence from being investigated and why. We demand answers for that too.
Sixth, it has been found by now that the person who had used a pen name called “sonic-sonic” and had been in close contact with a person called “Matale Zaharan” or “Podi Zaharan”, had induced the latter to call a top level member of the ISIS overseas with whom he was in touch and plead with them to claim ownership for the Easter Sunday attacks in order to cover up the real authors behind these attacks. Why was this officer of the State Intelligence Service keen to get the ISIS to claim ownership of the attacks? Still intriguing is the fact that when investigations on the role of “sonic-sonic” or IP Bandara were proceeding the State Intelligence Service intervened urging the CID not to investigate this further as it was a matter of national security. Who then decided that contacts between State Intelligence and the ISIS was a matter of national security and why? We need to study this issue, too.
Seventh, it is necessary to investigate the matter concerning an instruction purported to have been given by the then DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon via telephone to two police officers who had sought to check the contents of a suspicious lorry exiting the Gelanigama gate of the southern highway and to let it pass through. The call had been given at 3.00 a.m. in the morning of the 5th April 2019. Why was the DIG himself giving these instructions and at that hour? What was being transported? Where was it going to in Panadura? Were the contents of that lorry transported elsewhere before or after the attacks? Where was it transported to from Panadura? It is known that Zaharan Hasheem and his team were staying at a rented house in Walana, Panadura, before the Easter attacks.
THE PAIN OF THE VICTIMS
It has to be affirmed at this point that all these years the families of those who lost their loved ones are in deep sorrow and pain, coming to us often sharing such pain with us and asking us as to when they will know the truth about those who perpetrated this crime. Since then there have been two committees and a Presidential Commission that conducted inquiries. Several smaller level committees, too, were appointed. And it is five years since the 1st volume (containing recommendations) of the Presidential Commission was published. The other volumes however, are still a secret.
And so in this kind of secretiveness the search for truth has become a cause of deep pain to all of us. Since most of those who died were Catholic faithful, and since these attacks took place in our churches, on our most holy day, Easter Sunday, the search for the truth behind these attacks becomes our basic right, that of the victim families as well as of the Church. The search for all those responsible for these murders and destruction is a right not only of the victims but of all of us, citizens of this country, and it is the duty of those in charge of the country to render justice to us on this in a fair and transparent manner.
HIDING THE TRUTH
It has to be sadly affirmed that, unlike the present leaders of the country, almost all the power holders since these sad incidents in 2019, including former Presidents, Heads of the Police and the AGs department officials instead of sincerely finding out as to who and what was behind these dastardly attacks, tried their best to confuse the public, muddle up the investigations and appointing all kinds of committees with highly suspect investigators in order to come out with conclusions crafted by them, tried to sabotage the truth from emerging.
The incumbent government that came to power in 2024 is indeed taking a more positive attitude with regard to the Easter massacre. Yet certain officials of the “deep state” are seeking to obstruct the smooth flow of these investigations. For example, in spite of the fact that the PCOI had given clear directives to the Attorney General and to that department to take clear legal and disciplinary actions against some of the political figures, officials of the security establishment and organisations for criminal neglect of duty, very little has so far been done on this matter by them.
At the same time, what is emerging through the latest investigations pointing to the involvement of some top-level officials of the security establishment in these attacks, especially from evidence found in the British Channel Four TV programme, need to be courageously explored. This kind of investigation seems to have rubbed a raw nerve among certain political groups who are reacting to these in a most revealing way, revealing the possibility that these investigations are indeed on the right track. These politically oriented reactions seem to be the result of a certain fear and anger at the possibility that they too might be exposed in some way.
And this also means that if anyone, sitting in high positions in any area of life be it in the political arena, the security establishment or in the commercial field, if found to have had any link should be called upon to give evidence or be prosecuted without considering the service they rendered in the past. No person is above the law and cannot go unpunished if found to have been involved even if that person has served the country with dedication earlier. Such persons indeed are expected to behave better even after their actions of heroism. If a good person does an evil deed he is accountable for that. Our call to investigate, question, hold to account anyone involved is not a condemnation of everyone else involved in that service.
If an official of the security establishment is involved in a crime he, too, is liable before the law. To interpret bringing before the law of any such security official as betrayal of one’s country, is totally lop sided and wrong. Truth and justice overrides all such petty considerations and we strongly condemn the instrumentalisation of such a false sense of patriotism by certain parties in this case. We want to know the truth in its totality and that is our right.
On 6th October 2024, His Excellency the President of Sri Lanka on a visit to St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, pledged to a gathering of Easter attack victims and well-wishers of their families that he will not allow
“the sands of time to bury the truth“ behind these attacks and so we call upon him to make that promise a reality by conducting a full, transparent and truthful investigation into these murders and to reveal the truth behind this brutal massacre courageously.
OUR PRAYER
Here we draw strength in the faith we profess. Justice belongs to the Lord. The blood that was shed was of innocent men, women and children which cries out to heaven for justice. The Lord we know will surely heed this prayer somehow, someday.
He will surely render us justice. Until then our struggle will continue.
We are grateful to every one of you for the fraternity you show us in this pursuit. We wish you God’s abundant blessings.
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
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