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THE PHOENIX RISES

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NU Jayawardena

CHAPTER 15

(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENAThe first five decades)

I am like that elastic piece of rubber which bounces up highest when it is pressed and trampled most.

(NU’s letter to his father-in-law Norman Wickramasinghe, Dec. 1931)

Finding Solace in Religion and Community

Earlier, when NU’s workload was so enormous, he found little time for religion. However, during the difficult time associated with the Commission of Inquiry, this changed. As Neiliya relates:

At this time, he became seriously involved with religion and a great supporter of the Lunava Temple. This gave him great strength and courage in his work no matter what crisis he faced.

This temple was located on the outskirts of Colombo in Lunava, where NU had lived until the mid-1930s. Its chief monk was Thero Galkisse Sri Visuddhananda of the Amarapura Nikaya. The temple had a devale devoted to the deities, Kataragama and Suniyam. NU took part in the pujas and rituals of the temple, humbling himself as required by sweeping the temple grounds. He also visited the Rector of St. Aloysius’, Father Morelli, who boosted his morale and restored his confidence (N.U. Jayawardena, 1990, “Down Memory Lane”). It is interesting to note that, according to S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s biographer, James Manor (1989, p.307-8), SWRD and his wife Sirimavo, too, frequented this temple in times of crisis during SWRD’s premiership.

Although NU had been the only one of the Durava caste to reach the top of the administrative hierarchy at the time (de Silva & Wriggins, 1988, p.286), caste did not play a part in his way of thinking; but throughout his life, it was to him whom relatives and clan members turned for help. Now, when in his hour of crisis they rallied around to support him, he learned to fully appreciate the value of community.

Bouncing Back – Move to the Private Sector

If Kotelawala had intended to crush and humiliate NU, the former underestimated NU’s resilience and tenacity – as well as how indispensable he was to others. As Neiliya observed, “The Central Bank crisis was an event that changed the future of our family for the better in a way.” A mere six months after NU’s removal from the Bank, announcements appeared in the local and British press that NU had been appointed as the joint managing director of the J.H. Vavasseur Trading Company. This was another landmark in his life and career, and a major turning point. He became the first Sri Lankan to be given such a position in a British-owned company.

Newly-elected Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike crossing the floor of the House of Representatives to greet John Kotelawala

Vavasseur, an old established British firm founded in 1884, was the first in Sri Lanka to process and export coconut products. The firm’s Colombo office was engaged in the production of desiccated coconut, coconut fibre, and shell charcoal for its parent company in London to export to Europe (Villiers, 1940, pp.230-31). Geoffrey Buxton, Chairman of the UK company, had heard that NU was available to take up an appointment in the private sector, and he was recommended by C.F. Cobbold, Governor of the Bank of England. Vavasseur was looking for a managing director for their Colombo office and offered the post to NU. Before accepting the position, NU went to London to study the internal systems of the company. While there, NU suggested several changes, which Buxton and his Board accepted.

The Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills

At the age of 48, NU then embarked upon a new career in the private sector – another realm in which he would dominate for several decades, with what Exter termed his “unrivalled view of the economy.” NU’s long participation at both the ground and policy levels, provided him with insight into banking, finance, and commerce, enabling him to extrapolate beyond the present, and forge new trails. The private sector gave him far more scope for the exercise of his energy and acumen than his 28 years in the public service had. He was no longer hemmed in by a web of regulations and controls, which curbed quick decisions and action. The marketplace was

where one could sink or swim, and NU found this challenging. In NU’s career in the world of business, 1956 was a landmark year. With the help and advice of F.C. Rowan, Chairman of the law firm, Julius & Creasy, NU formed Mercantile Credit Limited as a finance company, while remaining Managing Director of Vavasseur. NU recognized the need for an institution that would provide finance to small businesses and individuals, and Mercantile Credit would become the leading private-sector institution offering hirepurchase finance for several decades to come. The private sector gave

him scope to apply his knowledge of finance towards the development of this sector.

In the same year, NU became Chairman of the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills, which had been established in the late 19th century. The mills had been engaged primarily in the production of cheap fabrics, mainly for estate workers, and had become rundown. The main shareholder of the mills was the Maharajah of Gwalior, who was anxious to ‘Ceylonize’ his company in view of the changing times. NU, with the knowledge he had obtained from his time in the Department of Commerce overseeing the running of several factories, found local subscribers who had confidence in his managerial abilities, who along with him took up the majority of shares held by the Maharajah. NU then set out to improve and expand production

by introducing new products and engaging the services of a foreign technologist (de Zoysa, pp.74 & 78).(NU would later manufacture synthetic textiles in 1960, when – fortuitously for NU – the government banned the import of synthetic fabrics. However, the tables would be turned in 1970, when Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government took over the factory, which had over 5,000 employees at the time. Sadly, shortly after nationalization, the mills were permanently closed down.)

The Fall of Kotelawala

Mara Yuddhaya: cartoon from the 1956 election campaign

While NU’s fortunes revived swiftly, John Kotelawala’s were beginning to wane. Kotelawala’s disposition and political style did not match the times, and he made some serious miscalculations, which resulted in the UNP’s crushing defeat at the polls. According to Wriggins: “There was a growing popular feeling of irritation and impatience at the U.N.P. leadership in general and [Kotelawala] in particular” (Wriggins, 1960, p.336). Kotelawala’s lifestyle and apparent disregard and lack of sensitivity for Buddhist values caused much consternation and indignation among the population. His memoirs, which were published at the time, aggravated the situation further. They “depicted him as a playboy of Western European capitals rather than a serious-minded statesman.” Buddhist monks read chapters from Kotelawala’s memoirs at temple gatherings, to “show how unfitted the prime minister was to rule Buddhist Ceylon”

(Wriggins, 1960, pp.336 & 346).

During the election campaign of 1956, a “devastating political cartoon” attacking the UNP appeared, effectively capturing the popular perception of the UNP among many Buddhists and galvanizing public opinion for the Opposition. The cartoon bore clear allusions to the Mara Yuddhaya (War of Mara) – a pivotal event in the life of the Buddha – depicting Kotelawala as Mara, the evil adversary of the Buddha. ( This episode, well known to any Sri Lankan Buddhist schoolchild and often depicted in temple wall paintings, represents the triumph of the Buddha through his purity and righteousness, over the evil of Mara. For an explanation of the context and figures

depicted in the cartoon, see Wriggins, 1960, p.356. After the UNP’s sweeping defeat in June 1956, Kotelawala left for England, and began what would turn into “regular summer and autumn visits to England,” becoming a “mere part-timer in Sri Lankan politics” (de Silva & Wriggins, 1994, p.16). S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had allowed Kotelawala to “bend currency regulations” to

purchase a farm in England (Manor, 1989, p.255).

Exoneration

With the coming to power of the SLFP government (and its allies forming the MEP), NU lost no time in seeking to clear his name. In January 1957, he drafted a 17-page appeal to Governor-General Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, protesting the “perverse” findings of the 1953 Commission of Inquiry. As NU wrote, it had been a “grave miscarriage of justice”:

The Commissioners have not found any single instance in which it was established that I had received an illegal gratification for showing favour in the official discharge of my duties not only while I was in the Central Bank, first as Deputy Governor and later as Governor, but also in my long and varied career in the public service, the entirety of which came within the ambit of the inquiry… I wish to urge, that the findings of the Commissioners are perverse and are based on a prejudiced view of the facts established. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)

NU claimed he was a “victim of [Kotelawala’s] private revenge,” because of the latter’s “grave displeasure at [NU’s] official actions… when he was Minister of Transport and Works, and later when he was Prime Minister.”

In regard to loans NU and his wife had taken from banks, he held that there had been no necessary impropriety, in that “such transactions [are] an ordinary feature of normal life in every country today,” and that overdrafts and loans are taken by:

…even Prime Ministers, Finance Ministers and others having authority over banks, [without allowing] such transactions to influence their judgment and official conduct in relation to these institutions.

He argued that abroad, even officers of Central Banks borrow money from these Banks, and that: …in the absence of such a provision, no law or rule of practice has been laid down anywhere that the Governor of a Central Bank cannot resort to normal banking facilities ordinarily available to the general public, including other members of the Governing Body of the Central Bank, whether it be a Monetary Board, as is the case in Ceylon, or the Court or Board of Directors as may be elsewhere.

NU stressed the point that:

It is also significant that no evidence that such transactions are against any unwritten code of conduct in any country was placed before the Commissioners; nor was any precedent to this effect from any country cited.

NU detailed some of his reasons for resorting to overdraft facilities and his expenditure on building for his family:

My wife and I had obtained overdrafts and Bank facilities even during the period as Deputy Governor of the Central Bank. In fact, I had occasion to apprise the then Governor, Mr. John Exter, and also the then Minister of Finance and even other Ministers of these transactions. No one made any secret of this fact. Not one of them made any adverse comment on, or warned me, against these transactions, all of which had been undertaken purely for the purpose of financing the purchase of two building sites, and the construction eventually of a dwelling house for our own occupation and, later, of another house convertible into two flats in case of need, so providing three housing units for the benefit for the three children composing our family. Neither was it considered then that the action of my wife or myself in availing ourselves of these facilities constituted a breach of some unwritten code of conduct, which the Commissioners hold up against me in their report.

NU lucidly summed up his early struggles and meteoric rise in the public service through his own abilities – an achievement undone by one stroke of injustice:

Letter of support from Peri Sunderam, NU’s first mentor

I had risen from very humble beginnings, indeed, to one of the highest offices that the State can offer its nationals and I had achieved this, not through influential connections or patronage, but by sheer dint of industry, intelligence, ability and character and, without being immodest, I believe I could claim that I had won the respect abroad of those in a position to judge my competence in Central Banking. But everything that I had striven for in my working life was destroyed by perverse justice meted out to me.

On 7 March 1957, he wrote again to the Governor-General, pressing for justice against this “great wrong”: if it be that there is no provision in law to annul this order, I should be grateful… your Excellency… grant me a measure of redress for the great wrong done to me, by causing a public statement to be issued exonerating me altogether from any imputations of blameworthy conduct.

NU reassured him with these words:

I wish to say that I have no intention of taking legal action of any kind in respect of the order removing me from office or making any claim on the footing that the order of removal was illegal and to give your Excellency the assurance that I shall not take such action or make such claims.

In reply, N.W. Atukorale, the Secretary to the Governor-General, on 20 March 1957 wrote that, despite a different view, which the new Prime Minister might hold from his predecessor:

His Excellency has no power to annul the order of removal from officemade… before the present Prime Minister assumes office.

NU’s case was sent to the Attorney-General, Noel Gratiaen, QC, whose opinion stated that an injustice had been done. On 10 August 1957, Atukorale announced the news of NU’s exoneration:

I am directed by the Governor General to inform you that the Prime Minister has carefully considered all the relevant material regarding this case and is of the opinion that you, as Governor of the Central Bank, had not done any act or thing which was of a fraudulent or illegal character or was manifestly opposed to the objects and interest of the Bank. (the above correspondence is from N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files)

This was the redress for which NU had been waiting. The news was flashed locally, and in Britain in the Daily Telegraph and Times. Letters and telegrams poured in from people who had known and supported him. Cyril Hawker of the Bank of England wrote to NU, that he was: … delighted to read in the press that you had been cleared of any improper conduct during your Governorship of the Central Bank of Ceylon… I can assure you that everybody in the Bank of England who knew you feels the same as I do. (N.U. Jayawardena, Personal Files)

An influential local left-wing journal, Tribune (30 Aug. 1957), expressed its approval:

We welcome the present ‘exoneration’ because it became clear in the course of the proceedings of that Commission (in the way inquiries were limited and circumscribed) and in the verdict, which was pronounced, that NUJ had been made a scapegoat to shield the activities of bigger fish. (emphasis added)

NU the Senator

While making significant strides in the private sector, NU also made his political debut. In December 1957, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike appointed him to the Upper House (Senate), bringing NU for the first time into the arena of political debate and providing him with a public platform from which he could expound on his ideas for economic reform and many other issues. A condition for NU’s acceptance of the senatorship was that, if he disagreed with any of Prime Minister Bandaranaike’s policies, he should be at liberty to say so (de Zoysa manuscript, p.72). NU added lively and outspoken comment in the debates. As a senator he was now able to express his views freely, unconstrained by the restrictions he had been formerly bound by as a government servant.

The Hansard from his five-year term in the Senate is full of NU’s thoughtful and well-researched contributions to the various debates. He spoke authoritatively on a wide range of political and economic issues, such as fiscal and monetary matters, insurance, the banking system, and the development of tourism; and his views and participation on government committees were also widely solicited. It is interesting to note that, as far back as 1959, NU had proposed that the electoral system be changed from one based on “first-past- the-post” to one based on proportional representation. He did emphasize, however, that the proportional representation system could bring two disadvantages – the “loss of contact” between elected representatives

and the electorate, as well as the creation of “splinter groups”; noting, however, that these could be overcome through different measures (N.U. Jayawardena, 1959, p.3). He also submitted a memorandum in which he outlined his proposed changes to the composition of the Senate by electing a certain percentage of senators on a functional basis to represent specific interests, such as Education, Arts and Sciences, Agriculture, and Law (N.U. Jayawardena, April 1959, p.5). In this memorandum he noted that:

There is an obligation cast on a society calling itself a Social Democracy… to make the fullest use of those willing and competent to contribute to the process of political decision-making, instead of limiting that contribution only to those who happen to subscribe to a particular political creed. (ibid, p.5)

This was just the beginning of a new life for N.U. Jayawardena, the pragmatist, man of action and visionary. He would soon dominate the emerging private sector, providing the lead for its development. He was eager to create the institutions, which would help stimulate the economy and take the country forward. For NU, this heralded a still newer phase in the world of business, a sector that he had helped to develop during his many years in government service. He had, as one wag said, moved from “Resthouse to Bank House,” and now became both the chief of a Financial House, and a member of the “Upper House.”

EPILOGUE

In the next four decades of his working life, NU continued his relentless pace of work. He went on to establish a large business conglomerate, which included financing, leasing, tea-broking, stockbroking, shipping, logistics, tourism and travel. The companies he founded included Sampath Bank, National Enterprise Bank (now DFCC Vardhana Bank), Union Assurance, Mercantile Shipping, Mercantile Leasing, and Mercantile Credit. He was instrumental in opening up the island’s financial-services and commodity-broking sectors – which had been long closed except to a few companies. In 1982, he became a founding member of the Colombo Securities Exchange, serving as its second Chairman from 1988 to 1989. During these years, NU was in constant demand and served on an extraordinary number of government and private-sector committees as well as boards, contributing to the formulation of legislation and policy in a large number of areas, including banking, finance, capital markets, tourism, housing, and insurance. He was Governor of the Central Cultural Fund from 1987 to 1994.

NU proved to be a prolific writer, commenting on economic and political issues, and participating in the controversies of his time, writing over 200 monographs, essays and speeches over his lifetime. He became the private sector’s foremost champion as well as a vocal

advocate for open-market policies. His copious output included analytical commentary on government economic and fiscal policy which he circulated among policy-makers; his yearly analysis of the government budget became a well-established tradition, forming the basis for intellectual discussion and debate. In recognition of his outstanding service to the country, NU was conferred the title of “Deshamanya” in 1991. He continued to be active, working in his office almost up to the last days of his life. N.U. Jayawardena died, at the age of 94, on April 24, 2002.

N.U. JAYAWARDENA T H E F I R S T F I V E D E C A D E S Chapter 14 can read online on- https://island.lk/power-politics-2/

By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda ✍️



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Trump’s tariffs, AKD’s gazette and Sri Lanka’s diplomatic slumber

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“We are rather respectable in Colombo. We go to bed fairly early, and we remain there till morning. “

According to Sri Lanka’s diplomatic folklore, the late S.W. R. D. Bandaranaike uttered these words while explaining the reasons for Sri Lanka’s abstention on the UN resolution condemning the Soviet invasion of Hungary. Apparently, SWRD’s foreign ministry officials were asleep at home when the diplomatic cable seeking instructions was received from New York. In those days, there were no cell phones, Internet, or even fax or telex machines. The diplomatic cables were sent through post offices. Decoding them was a slow and time-consuming process. Thus, the government could not provide appropriate instructions to our mission in New York in time, and the Sri Lankan delegation abstained on that sensitive UN vote.

Sri Lanka’s Absence from Section 301 Consultations

But then, how does one explain Sri Lanka’s absence from the crucial bilateral consultation held in Washington by the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) during March-April on “Forced Labour” under the Section 301 of the US Trade Act of 1974? Didn’t our foreign and trade ministries send appropriate instructions to Washington in time? Even if the instructions from the foreign ministry were transmitted to our embassy in Washington by pigeon carriers, there was enough time for Sri Lanka to participate in those meetings.

In March, the USTR initiated these 301 investigations on 60 trading partners, and invited all of them for confidential consultations. Out of the 60, 46 participated in these consultations. Sri Lanka was not one of them. Other countries that didn’t participate in these consultations included China, Russia, and Venezuela! In addition to that, the Section 301 Committee conducted a public hearing with interested parties on April 28 and 29. Washington-based diplomats, representatives from few trade ministries as well as representatives from many foreign trade associations and chambers participated in these hearings. Sri Lanka was once again conspicuously absent.

As a result, when the USTR published the proposed forced labour tariffs on June 2nd, Sri Lanka ended up with a 12.5% duty. Pakistani and Indonesian diplomats participated in these consultations and took appropriate follow-up measures, and managed to enter the 10% duty category. As even a threat of a modest tariff hike could disrupt supply chains and reduce competitiveness, particularly in an industry such as garments, I discussed this issue on 15 June and underscored the importance of Sri Lanka’s participation at the next hearing, which was scheduled to be held from July 7th .

Awakening from Diplomatic Slumber and AKD’s Gazette

Fortunately, Sri Lanka finally awoke from weeks of diplomatic slumber, and Ambassador Mahinda Samarasinghe participated in the public hearing on 9 July, and promised, “…. · We have agreed to the text in our negotiations with the USTR on forced labour, …. The gazette as we speak is being printed and I’m getting the gazette tomorrow morning, and the gazette will be shared with USTR as I get it“.

As promised, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake issued a gazette on 10 July banning the imports of goods produced by forced labour. These new regulations are very similar to what Pakistan and Indonesia enacted in April, after their consultations with USTR in March. Why couldn’t we do it in April? Why did we wait till the very last minute?

Challenges ahead

“War is too important to be left to generals alone,” is a famous saying attributed to former French Premier Georges Clemenceau. Similarly, monitoring our main markets is too important to be left to diplomats alone. The United States is the largest single-country market for Sri Lanka. Therefore, Sri Lankan trade chambers and associations should become more proactive in these markets and participate in these events. For example, the chairman of the Pakistani apparel exporters association participated in the April hearings. Similarly, representatives from the Indian Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Development Authority, the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the Confederation of Indian Industry, and Reliance Industries also participated in July hearings. At an event where each speaker is given only five minutes (strictly enforced), having a number of speakers from a country is an advantage. The presence of industry representatives in these kinds of events also help them understand the market dynamics and the future challenges. This is important, particularly because there will be many more challenges with Trump’s tariffs.

With the gazette issued on 10 July, Sri Lanka has imposed a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labour. Now, the challenge will be to effectively enforce the prohibition. And what are the goods produced with forced labour? The USTR list only focuses on aluminum, cotton, electronics, lithium-ion batteries, rice, and tobacco. However, according to the U.S. Department of Labour, the list is much longer. Hence, this list may change continuously during the next two years and tariffs may fluctuate once again.

So, this is definitely not the time to slumber.

(The writer, a retired public servant, can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira ✍️

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 10 Casino for Sale

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After the overwhelming grotesquerie of J K Rowling’s latest Cormoran Strike novel (written, I should have noted, as the others were, under the pseudonym Robert Galbraith), I thought I should return to the world of fun, and also a much shorter description since this thriller moves quickly without the layers of detail that Rowling engages in.

I then move to the second comic thriller by Caryl Brahms and S J Simon. This, their second story to feature Vladimir Stroganoff and Adam Quill, was Casino for Sale, as lunatic a romp as the first, though without the emphasis on the ballet that characterized A Bullet in the Ballet.

This one begins with the impresario Stroganoff buying a casino cheap from Baron Sam de Rabinovich, only to find that it was a rundown place, not the grand casino of La Bazouche, a resort on the Frenc+h Riviera, as he had initially thought. The grand one belonged to Lord Buttonhooke, and Stroganoff could  not compete, until he thought of bringing the Ballet Stroganoff to the casino – which of course leads to Buttonhooke deciding to have ballet performances in his Casino too.

Stroganoff invites Quill to visit him, which Quill decides to do since he has left Scotland Yard, having come into a legacy. No one believes this, and he has to face questions as to what he did to have been sacked, with sympathy for having been found out.

Caryl and Simon

The day he arrives in La Bazouche there is a murder, of a vitriolic critic called Citrolo, in Stroganoff’s office. He had been going to write a damning review of the opening night of the ballet and Stroganoff, when he realizes Citrolo cannot be swayed, drugs him and dictates the review himself to the papers. He leaves Citrolo sleeping and finds him shot the next morning, whereupon he decides to muddy the waters and leave a suicide note and lots of other murder weapons. So much overkill, as it were, of course ensures that he is arrested.

But the excitable French detective who makes the arrest follows up his suggestion that Buttonhooke was also involved, and so the two casino owners find themselves in cells next door to each other, with the detective Gustave quite happy to provide creature comforts for a fee.

Quill decides he must investigate, and finds Gustave most cooperative, since he has a laid back attitude to work. So it is Quill that finds a notebook which makes it clear Citrolo is an accomplished blackmailer, and that there are lots of possible murderers, including Stroganoff’s croupier, who was crooked, Rabinovich, who was now working for Buttonhooke, a confidence trickster called Kurt Kukumber, whose prospectus for a dud gold mine was found in the office and Prince Alexis Artishok who was engaged in a deal to buy diamonds from the ballerina Dyra Dyrakova.

Stroganoff had been trying to get Dyrakova to dance for him, but having done so previously she had refused. But then to Stroganoff’s chagrin she agreed to dance for Buttonhooke. The clearly crooked Artishok had told Buttonhooke’s mistress Sadie Souse, who was not very bright, that Dyrakova possessed diamonds she was willing to sell cheap, and Sadie was determined to have them.

Quill meanwhile finds out that there was a secret passage to Stroganoff’s office, the obvious solution to what had begun as a locked room mystery, and that this was known by almost everyone apart from Stroganoff himself. And then Rabinovich is murdered, just after Gustave had released his two original suspects, leading him to blame Quill for having insisted on that and thus allowing them to kill again.

Soon afterwards Dyrakova arrives, and the town is full of posters announcing that she will appear in the casinos, elaborate posters for either one, since Stroganoff is determined that she will dance for him, and if she does not come willingly, he has devised a scheme to make her do so unwillingly. So, though Buttonhooke has her taken off to his yacht immediately she arrives at the station, Quill along with Arenskaya gets her into a launch and to Stroganoff’s casino, where she performs to tumultuous applause, not knowing for whom she is dancing.

When Quill asked her about the diamonds, she said she had sold them long ago, and that gave Quill the solution to the mystery. Rabinovich had known about this, and Artishok had killed him to prevent Sadie learning it from him, he had killed Citrolo who had recognized him for an accomplished card sharper, not a Russian prince at all. But before he is arrested, he gets away in a boat, and the police launch that pursues him is on the point of catching him up when it runs out of petrol.

Again, lots of excitement, and entertaining references  – Gustave grows marrows – and if not quite as brilliant as its predecessor, Casino was certainly a delightful read.

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The challenge of being positive about SAARC

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The RCSS forum addressed by SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar in progress. (Pic courtesy RCSS)

It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.

Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.

However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?

There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.

The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.

Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.

Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.

The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.

On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.

In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.

Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.

Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.

The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.

These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.

Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.

There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.

However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.

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