Features

The perils of political identity

Published

3 years ago

2023/10/29

By Uditha Devapriya

The SJB and the JVP-NPP lead the latest IHP surveys, while the UNP and the SLPP lag behind. The SJB has the potential to beat the JVP-NPP but has not, and will not. The UNP is making a bid for a comeback, and while its leadership remain purposely ambivalent on the question of elections next year, they are focusing on electoral reform. They probably think they can pacify the electorate with the latter, but they are mistaken. Sri Lankans of all shades and creeds are calling for a change in leadership. Ranil Wickremesinghe might not be another Gotabaya Rajapaksa, but he comes from the same generational DNA.

Sajith and Anura Kumara, on the other hand, are younger. Going by their years they seem more relatable to the Sri Lankan population. Yet both candidates are beset with problems neither has been able to transcend. Both their parties have been caught by an urge to shift to a centrist space. This swing to the centre has pushed these parties to confront certain tensions and contradictions.

The most unpardonable sin any political party can make is to let such tensions define them, and worse, define their leaders. The UNP and SLPP, to be sure, have their share of these issues. But they have the luxury of having being governing parties. Opposition parties, by contrast, are more vulnerable, more prone to attack.

The SJB’s shift to the centre has largely been defined by its lineage from the UNP. On social and political issues it shares little with the latter party: in this sense it resembles the UNP of the faux reformist yahapalana era, a not altogether incorrect assumption given that many of the stalwarts of the SJB held ministerial posts in that administration. On economic issues, however, the SJB and UNP appear to be of one mind. The tension here has mostly been between the SJB’s articulation of a pro-market and pro-liberalisation economic agenda and its defence of progressive politics. The SJB has tried not to let the UNP’s mindset swamp its ideology here. But most SJB stalwarts trace their lineage to that mindset. To overcome such a crisis, the top brass needs to embrace alternative economic paradigms.

This is unlikely to happen, for two reasons. First, though the SJB broke away from the UNP, in the sense that it contested as a separate party, the rupture had to do with disagreements with the UNP’s leadership. When S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike broke away from the UNP he was careful not to brand the new party as an extension of the old.

Bandaranaike did have issues with the Senanayake and Jayewardene domination of the UNP, but this was not the only reason why he formed his own outfit. So far, that has not happened with the SJB. And I can understand why. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s political-economic agenda centred on the Sinhala Maha Sabha, predated the UNP, and was in many ways more progressive than the UNP. The SJB by contrast never had a pre-UNP ideology like that.

Nevertheless, though the SJB may not have a pre-UNP programme, it does have a pre-Ranil programme: the Ranasinghe Premadasa formula of equity with growth. This formula, tried and tested by none less than the father of the current SJB leader, delivered results for the Sri Lankan economy. The Premadasa government always made it a point, as the SJB, UNP, and SLPP do not seem to have done, to never distinguish between the economy and the people.

In Dayan Jayatilleka’s words, this enabled the government to square the circle, to achieve the unachievable, to break away from the past. In that sense the UNP under Premadasa did an S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike without defecting from the parent party. The SJB, by contrast, has not even tried thinking afresh, despite moving out of the UNP.

In its early years the SJB both castigated the then government’s economic policies and articulated a need for an alternative. This need resonated everywhere. Yet at the peak of the crisis and the protests last year, influential economic think-tanks were peddling orthodox narratives, calling for the government to liberalise, deregulate, and privatise.

The Left struck back at these calls, but the protest movement, as such, was more concerned with forcing the president to resign. When the aragalaya achieved this end, all the dissensions and disputes that had conveniently been submerged came out into the open. The Left lost its position among the protestors, and those peddling neoliberal narratives, and prescriptions, came up. It was at this point that the SJB began embracing these narratives.

The pushback against the neo-liberalisation of the country has so far not forced the SJB to alter its position on ongoing economic reforms. The think-tanks that peddled IMF narratives continue to peddle them, while they go on blaming trade unions and other organisations for trying to stall reforms. This has more or less fed into the government’s advocacy of stability at all costs.

The SJB has tried, with much difficulty, to play a balancing act here: on the one hand, for instance, it supports a domestic debt restructuring mechanism, and on the other, it has come out against the impact of DDR on the EPF. Unlike the Left – by which I include the CPSL and the JVP-NPP – though, it has not strayed from its adherence to IMF diktats, and has challenged Left parties to come up with a more viable alternative.

The latter demand, in fact, shows the fundamental weakness of the SJB. The SJB’s leadership already has an alternative development paradigm it can use and implement. Yet, for some reason, it has chosen not to use it. This is not to say that what worked in the Ranasinghe Premadasa administration will work now. But at a time of mass disaffection with mainstream politics and economic reforms, the Opposition must strive to break free of the past, and to implement something new. The SJB’s inability to do so shows that it has failed to break away from the UNP’s ideology. What we need today is a clash of ideas, not of personalities. By limiting its disputes with the UNP to its clashes with the UNP’s leadership, the SJB has failed to gain ground as a strong Oppositional outfit. This is a pity.

The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

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Features

New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

The International Criminal Court in session. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.

However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.

What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’

The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.

Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.

A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.

That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.

At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.

Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.

Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.

It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.

Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.

Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.

Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.

It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.

However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.

Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.

Features

Clear, soft and shine-free skin

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.

The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:

For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.

Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:

An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.

Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:

Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.

Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:

Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.

Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:

Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.

A Gentle Reminder:

As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.

Features

Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!

The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!

And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!

Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.

Lakisha Bernard: Will represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027

Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!

Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!

Lakisha: Accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate

Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.

If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!

The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com

or chris.rajendra@gmail.com

Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.

Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.

This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.

Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.

Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.

WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!

Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.