Features
The Partnership between national people’s power And janatha Vimukthi peramuna must be emboldened
by Kumar David
[In the first half of this essay I ignore RW‘s pernicious attempt to scrap local and eventually general elections. In the second part I comment on the matter to the extent relevant to my conversation. There will be a flood of editorials and comments soon. It is too early to see how the matter will eventually go].
The National People’s Power (NPP) movement consists of an alliance of 29 left and social democratic parties, trade unions, minority organisations and grass-roots groups. It is about five years old. The JVP on the other hand is well known and its origins go back over 50 years. The structure and capability of the two are significantly different and they can complement each other to achieve shared objectives. For example, together they can aspire to form a social-democratic government, commit to the welfare of the masses, negotiate through the snares of international finance capital, promote human rights and create a unified nation by confronting and defeating racist and religious prejudices.
Stop! This is the fairy-tale and it won’t happen simply by dreaming; it requires dedication, intelligence, coordination and hard work. The two organisations have different and complementary roles. The NPP consists of well-educated persons with a grounding in many domains of professional expertise and in the last two years it has attracted a further tranche of intellectuals, liberals, lawyers, economists and other scholars to supplement the older cadre of Marxists and social-democrats. The strength of the JVP of course lies in its mass base, its ability to mobilise tens of thousands in the villages, towns, trade unions, campuses and on the streets. If the NPP and the JVP work together smoothly, it will be like a perfect match of hand and glove.
Don’t get euphoric! People say, newspaper columnists claim and commentators swear that there is an electoral landslide visible and the NPP-JVP-combo is going win the next general election. Balderdash! A programme has not even been written! What is the economic, social, debt-restructuring, investment, foreign trade and foreign policy programme of these worthies? No one knows because it has not even been drafted. Is the NPP sleeping? Yes, I said before that the NPP and JVP can, I repeat CAN, play excellent complementary roles. The NPP has the internal intellectual resources to write, debate and adopt a national programme, but I have yet even to hear of the convening of an NPP Conference. The JVP of course will participate (not bully its way) in the Conference and once the programme is adopted it is the JVP which will take it to the masses. But there is not much time to get on with it. When are these blighters going to wake up! Don’t call me impatient. All this has still to be done.
There is an even more important goal in the relationship than the NPP’s fitness to write a common programme and a JVP’s ability to carry it to the people. The presence of the NPP in a future government will embody a guarantee of (a) democracy and (b) minority rights. This reassurance is crucial. The NPP must assert its determination to uphold democracy as this will reassure the people that a return to the excesses of 1971 and 1989-91 will not be repeated. The people, especially Sinhalese people in villages and towns, need to be sure that the bad experiences and insurrectionary excesses associated with the unfortunate past of the JVP will not recur. A strong social democratic NPP with an authoritative influence in the alliance can provide such an assurance.

Similar considerations pertain to the JVP’s past record in respect of minority rights – Wijeweera’s fifth lecture, antagonism to plantation Tamils and the Somawansa-Sarath Silva experiences. If an NPP-JVP alliance were to face an election with fear lingering in the minds of the Sinhalese masses about freedoms and doubts in the minds of the Tamils and Muslims about minority concerns, the performance of the alliance at the elections will be diminished. To say it again in different words; the NPP must have the power to exercise control over the functioning of a future government on matters pertaining to democracy and minority rights. We don’t want to sleep walk into a nightmare, do we? The NPP needs to be a controlling partner alongside the JVP.
There are three ways in which things may evolve, apart from danger of militarisation. We must not for a moment take our eye off the military threat which can strike suddenly; Wickremasinghe and Rajapaksa have long histories of hostility to democracy and will willingly lend their support to military stratagems. Military regimes are the foulest and vilest of all forms of rule; the cruelty they inflict on citizens, women and political opponents is barbaric. We must not say that the military threat is minimal in Sri Lanka and lower our guard. It only takes one misstep to go down a fatal track. In this context RW’s efforts to prevent elections later this year becomes very disturbing. RW’s Uncle JR went so far as to threaten to impeach Samarakoon CJ when he was unable to bend him to his wishes. Be sure that RW will do all he can to
undermine the Elections Department and interfere with the courts in an attempt to prevent elections. He will not hesitate to send out troops to crush protesters demanding elections.
The first of the three other ways in which events may drift is a wave of religious and racist extremism led by near-fascist contingents of the clergy marching in lock-step with mobilisation against 13A. Rajan Philips in his last column says: “Anura Kumara Dissanayake owes it to the people to explain his position on devolution and on 13A even if he does not agree with the President’s timing and approach to implementing 13A”. RP is perfectly correct but I consider race-riots the least likely of the three options.
The second possibility is that the IMF, the Western powers and international finance may reach out to stabilise the RW presidency. We do read that conditions are being stipulated, that the IMF is not fully satisfied and so on. But if the chips are down and it comes to a choice between throwing RW a life-line or countenancing an NPP/JVP electoral victory it would be naïve to think that the IMF and global capitalism will hesitate to extend a helping hand to RW by strengthening his economic prospects over the next 24 months. India too wants investment opportunities and the Trinco oil farm and is favourably inclined to stabilising RW. It seems that the IMF and Western Powers are inclined to give Sri Lanka a break; that is an opportunity to come out of the quagmire without imposing horrendous burdens. Recent electricity price increases show that this may not be possible.
I have argued previously this column that the West, India and possibly China are NOT willing to let the Sri Lankan economy collapse, and more important, are unlikely to let the country flop into anarchy. As one of the few surviving post-colonial democracies this they find impermissible. Giant India is another story as a democracy while Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea are off-again on-again democracies. However, if RW goes ahead with his plans to prevent elections and uses the military to crush opposition, the West will be in a dilemma. Maybe class interests will prevail over concerns about democracy.
This has multifaceted implications. Stabilising the Sri Lankan economy over the next say 18-24 months will, in the first instance, be favourable to the Ranil Wickremesinghe Presidency. The downside to this is that RW has an anti-democratic past; it is not without reason that he is known as Batalanda Ranil and he cannot be trusted to be sympathetic to democratic freedoms. Recently he sent his military goons to crush Aragalaya activists who were asleep. I am aware of the cock-eyed demands of some Aragalaya activists such as the Frontline Socialists who demand that their programmes be accepted by the government even if they fail to win a single seat in Parliament! What planet do such loonies come from? But you do not send your gorilla troops to batter and bash young people who are fast asleep!! And the Internet is replete with images of Ranil’s lecherous breast-squeezing cops.
The third option of course is what I have discussed at length in the first portion of this article, an NPP/JVP election victory. I will not repeat any of it but only emphasise that to win the election the NPP programme must underline guarantees of democracy for the Sinhala people and assurances of protection of minority rights to satisfy the Tamils and Muslims. In power the balance of power between the partners in an NPP/JVP government must ensure that these guarantees are retained.
I will draw attention to one final matter before signing off. We live in a much-changed world and the NPP has a vital lesson on democracy to pick up from Brazil’s President Lula. He declared in 2018 “we cannot grow up until the people themselves grow up”. He was referring to his own base, his cadres and those who rallied behind him. The struggle to overcome narrow mindedness, disrespect for democracy and human rights and the protection of all the peoples of Brazil’s much variegated population has to begin at home; it has to begin within the ranks of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Worker’s Party) a Social-Democratic/Socialist party. The NPP must ponder this and fearlessly defy extremists and religious and racial fanatics close to its and the JVP’s base.
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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