Features
THE IAP’S STATEMENT ON URBANIZATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR SRI LANKA:Some Personal Thoughts

by Dr. K.L. Gunaratna
The captioned policy Statement was prepared at the instance of the Inter Academy Partnership (IAP) which is the apex body of science academies worldwide. The Statement was drafted by an international ‘Working Group’ of 18 subject experts drawn from 16 countries accross the globe. Those experts were selected by the IAP from nominees made by their affiliated Science Academies in the LMICs as well as a few from those in the most industrialized countries. That Group worked on-line for two years under the chairmanship of a Sri Lankan expert. In fact the subject had originally been proposed by him, forwarded by the Sri Lankan Science Academy and accepted by the IAP for serious consideration. The outcome of that effort – the draft Policy Statement – was circulated by the IAP to all affiliated Science Academies worldwide and formally endorsed by a required majority. It was then formally launched by the IAP at an international event held in Europe on the 5th of October 2022.
The National Academy of Sciences Sri Lanka together with the Institute of Town Planners Sri Lanka hosted the local launch of this policy statement followed by a discussion on it. That event was held at the Auditorium of the Organization of Professional Association (OPA) on the 18th of November 2022. Many interested professionals and scientists were present at that occasion.
Framing relevant policies for the LMICs requires a clear understanding of the urbanization process currently being experienced. Today, urbanization occurs almost exclusively in the LMICs. It can bring about positive dividends especially for women and longer lifespans for all, but these dividends are not guaranteed. When the process is mismanaged as often happens, it results in serious inequity, social unrest and the rapid growth of informal settlements. Thus, urbanization policies, urban planning and management are deemed to be very necessary. A reliable prediction is that by 2035 all the fastest growing cities worldwide will be in the LMICs.
A relevant statistical study concludes that urbanization in the LMICs:
· induces growth of the largest cities;
· occurs often without industrialization;
· is consequent to demographic explosion and poverty-induced rural-urban migration;
· encourages the growth of informal urban settlements; and,
· occurs more because of ‘rural push’ than ‘urban pull’.
This interminable ‘distress migration’ directed most often towards major cities results in diminishing the quality of life for all urban residents in those cities. Today, urban population increases happen in overcrowded and underserved informal settlements. These urban residents are part of an ‘informal city’, which functions independently from and in parallel with the formal city.
Cities in most LMICs, have some surprisingly common characteristics, which are:
· unequal access to all infrastructure, services and to decent housing;
· strong residential segregation;
· the existence of informal and often illegal systems of land occupation for housing;
· inadequate land-use management;
· the inability of most urban local authorities to deal with these complex issues;
· unsatisfactory housing units with very poor sanitary facilities;
· authoritarian political processes and inadequate social participation in planning decisions;
· large primate cities; and,
· limited autonomy and resources within urban local authorities and also poor vertical coordination on relevant national policies.
Urbanization in 19th Century Europe happened in consequence of industrialization and therefore created economic growth in those countries. The current experience of urbanization in the LMICs invariably happens without industrialization. Therefore the IAP Statement concludes that urbanization in the LMICs is not always a beneficial process. This is an important conclusion for us in Sri Lanka to recognize. Indeed, it also has the adversity of continuing to increase sub-standard urban living conditions in unhealthy slums which often defy well-meant efforts for improvement.
It is very significant that this new IAP Policy Statement has not only been accepted by most Science Academies in the LMICs. It has also been carefully scrutinized and accepted by most learned Western academics and their Science Academies. These Science Academies include those in the US, Germany and many others in Europe including the Royal Society in England.
In Sri Lanka, following some level of independence won in 1931 with the Donomough Constitution, our prime indigenous political concerns focused on Agriculture for domestic food production and on Education. That was because these two areas came under the purview of two far-seeing Sri Lankan politicians (Senanayake & Kannangara). The important results were a gradual move towards food self-sufficiency; and, mass-scale free education. Thus the new emphases then was on:
· rural development;
· rebuilding of our abandoned ancient reservoirs in the Dry Zone
; and,
· the settlement of land-hungry Wet Zone farmers in the newly irrigated lands in the Dry Zone.
After formal ‘Independence’ in 1948, these national priorities continued but also included not only irrigated agriculture but also an increased emphasis on hydro-electric power generation projects. The last followed the pioneering work of Engineer Wimalasurendra. The concern for multi-purpose irrigation and hydroelectric power projects was also inspired by the successful work of the American Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). Thus the Gal Oya, Walawe Ganga, and finally the Mahaweli Project came into being in stages.
Consequently, one important difference between our progress and that of many other LMICs was that we, until relatively recent decades, focused on rural upliftment often in preference to urban development. That is why the implementation of Patrick Abercrombie’s plans for Colombo were overlooked in fovor of the Gal Oya Project and implementation of the later Colombo Master Plan Project prepared by a massive UNDP team was superseded and implementation was focussed upon by the Accelerated Mahaweli Master Plan Project. We therefore had much less urbanization then, than most other LMICs. This situation began to change negatively only in more recent decades.
Our Planning Profession and the Current Serious National Concerns
There are specialized disciplines with highly qualified and experienced professionals in Sri Lanka, who are able to deal with many of the areas of serious national concern that confront us today. A few (but not all) of these areas, are:
· the ailing Agricultural Sector;
· the Human-Elephant Conflict;
· the impacts of Climate Change including recurrent floods, droughts & landslides;
· the vulnerability of coastal population concentrations to likely sea-level rise;
· the ailing Construction Sector;
· the future of our cities;
· the Port City Project; and,
· the extraordinarily high National Debt.
The profession I am representing in writing this article is commonly referred to in Sri Lanka by the old British terminology as “Town and Country Planning“. ‘Country Planning’ in modern parlance includes both ‘Regional and Rural Settlement Planning’. While we in our profession have no special expertise in Agriculture and Agro-Pedology, the Agricultural sector and the following three listed areas of concerns, clearly need Regional and Rural Settlement Planning.
The Future of our cities
There has been much concern with plans for Colombo. We clearly need much better public transport, safer streets and sidewalks, in-situ slum-upgrading and much more planned, environmentally friendly building and progress in Colombo, its suburbs and also in many of our other cities. However, Colombo and a few mid-sized towns also have growing unhygienic slums and shanties. Improving the living conditions of these underserved communities is indeed beneficial. However, long term solutions are needed. Theses solutions are clearly not the building of multistoried flats in the suburbs, which merely transfers blight from the city to its suburbs.
The planned development of small towns including those in the Dry Zone is very important. There must be provision within these towns of upgraded agricultural and social infrastructure including secondary schools and small hospitals. these will facilitate access to folk in their respective rural hinterlands. Only such provisions will help in reducing rural migrations to Colombo and mid-sized cities.
The Port City Project
Some Sri Lankans seem bent on criticizing the Port City Project. We as a profession must see the Project now as one that could fast becoming a reality. We should do whatever we can to make it a success. There is no doubt that it can generate a great deal of much needed foreign exchange.It will also trigger some urbanization. But, that urbanization is most likely to be indirect and benign. It can greatly help our ailing Construction Sector, which is now in dire financial straits. It can also reduce out-migration of construction professionals and skilled construction labor. It can offset our high national debt.
The High National Debt
Clearly, this last identified national concern urgently requires the expertise of our Economists, more than that of any other profession. But, there is also a role that we as Planners can play.t may be recalled that by ‘accelerating’ development work on the Mahaweli Project in the late 1970s, completion of the very costly ‘headworks’ with hydropower generation capacity were achieved early. That achievement was at much lower cost than if these large and very expensive works were left to be built later. Accelerating the Mahaweli Project with early borrowings of foreign exchange has indeed greatly benefited us in many ways. One of these benefits is that it has already provided and will continue to provide us with more clean energy from hydro-electric power, for the present and also the future, at a much lower cost than otherwise. With that ‘acceleration’, some of the agriculture and human settlement components on the Mahaweli Systems ‘H’ and ‘C’ were also substantially completed.
The Maduru Oya Dam in ‘System B’ was the last main ‘headworks’ to be realized under the Accelerated Program. It was built by a Canadian company (FAFJ) with funds from their government. A small extent of settlement work in ‘System B,’ including the planning of a few small towns was begun earlier by the Mahaweli Development Board. But, the main irrigation and rural settlement planning work on this ‘Downstream’ development aspect of the Maduru Oya Left Bank was entrusted to a consortium of two US consultancy firms (Berger & IECO) with funding by USAID. Those two firms worked in very close collaboration with Sri Lankan professional expertise.
This latter important work ended abruptly with much of our efforts still on the drawing boards. The reason for the sudden stoppage was due to the resumption of armed hostilities by the LTTE against the GOSL. Apparently, the LTTE’s perception then was that the ongoing project would result in non-Tamil citizens being settled in areas the LTTE considered as their ‘Tamil Homeland’. This perception seemed to have been successfully canvassed by them with the government of Canada and possibly also with the US Government.
As far as I know, the settler selection policy in the Northern parts of the System ‘B’ area, had not been clearly defined at that time by the GOSL. Tragically, this important downstream work on ‘System B’ of the Accelerated Mahaweli Project, which could also have benefitted some parts of the North was aborted and came to a sudden halt.
It would now seem appropriate,
in the current context of the extraordinarily high National Debt, for the GOSL to put together a competent professional team of relevant local expertise to do some preliminary work on this aspect of the Project. The required expertise should not only be in Irrigation Engineering but importantly, also in the professional areas of Agro-based Regional and Rural Settlement Planning. The starting point should be the last competent feasibility study done by the Consultants. It was entitled ‘Land Use and Settlement Planning for Two Sample Areas of the System ‘B’ Irrigation Project’ and dated August 1982. The two sample areas in this said study had been identified on the basis of a thorough Agro-Pedology study of the Project Area. They represented the two predominant soil types relevant to planned agriculture in that area.
Further work on Settlement Planning in this effort would also require the
definition of a rational and fair settler selection policy in this under-populated region. It will also require much external funding to restart and continue work on the remaining downstream areas of ‘System B’. In this time of need, receiving international funding for this abruptly halted Mahaweli Project work, would surely be beneficial to us in every way. We could even seriously consider proceeding to complete, in due course, the remaining stages of the Project as set out in our original Mahaweli Master Plan.
K.Locana Gunaratna
AA Dipl (London), MCP (Harvard), PhD (Colombo);
Fellow & Past President, National Academy of Sciences Sri Lanka;
Past General President. Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science;
Fellow & Past President, Institute of Town Planners Sri Lanka;
Fellow & Past President, Sri Lanka Institute of Architects;
Vice President, Sri Lanka Economic Association.
Features
Voting for new Pope set to begin with cardinals entering secret conclave

On Wednesday evening, under the domed ceiling of Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, 133 cardinals will vote to elect the Catholic Church’s 267th pope.
The day will begin at 10:00 (09:00 BST) with a mass in St Peter’s Basilica. The service, which will be televised, will be presided over by Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old Cardinal Dean who was also the celebrant of Pope Francis’ funeral.
In the early afternoon, mobile signal within the territory of the Vatican will be deactivated to prevent anyone taking part in the conclave from contacting the outside world.
Around 16:15 (15:15 BST), the 133 cardinal electors will gather in the Pauline Chapel and form a procession to the Sistine Chapel.
Once in the Sistine Chapel, one hand resting on a copy of the Gospel, the cardinals will pronounce the prescribed oath of secrecy which precludes them from ever sharing details about how the new Pope was elected.
When the last of the electors has taken the oath, a meditation will be held. Then, the Master of Pontifical Liturgical Celebrations Diego Ravelli will announce “extra omnes” (“everybody out”).
He is one of three ecclesiastical staff allowed to stay in the Sistine Chapel despite not being a cardinal elector, even though they will have to leave the premises during the counting of the votes.
The moment “extra omnes” is pronounced marks the start of the cardinals’ isolation – and the start of the conclave.
The word, which comes from the Latin for “cum clave”, or “locked with key” is slightly misleading, as the cardinals are no longer locked inside; rather, on Tuesday Vatican officials closed the entrances to the Apostolic Palace – which includes the Sistine Chapel- with lead seals which will remain until the end of the proceedings. Swiss guards will also flank all the entrances to the chapel.

Diego Ravelli will distribute ballot papers, and the cardinals will proceed to the first vote soon after.
While nothing forbids the Pope from being elected with the first vote, it has not happened in centuries. Still, that first ballot is very important, says Austen Ivereigh, a Catholic writer and commentator.
“The cardinals who have more than 20 votes will be taken into consideration. In the first ballot the votes will be very scattered and the electors know they have to concentrate on the ones that have numbers,” says Ivereigh.
He adds that every other ballot thereafter will indicate which of the cardinals have the momentum. “It’s almost like a political campaign… but it’s not really a competition; it’s an effort by the body to find consensus.”
If the vote doesn’t yield the two-third majority needed to elect the new pope, the cardinals go back to guesthouse Casa Santa Marta for dinner. It is then, on the sidelines of the voting process, that important conversations among the cardinals take place and consensus begins to coalesce around different names.
According to Italian media, the menu options consist of light dishes which are usually served to guests of the residence, and includes wine – but no spirits. The waiters and kitchen staff are also sworn to secrecy and cannot leave the grounds for the duration of the conclave.

From Thursday morning, cardinals will be taking breakfast between 06:30 (05:30 BST) and 07:30 (06:30 BST) ahead of mass at 08:15 (07:15 BST). Two votes then take place in the morning, followed by lunch and rest. In his memoirs, Pope Francis said that was when he began to receive signals from the other cardinals that serious consensus was beginning to form around him; he was elected during the first afternoon vote. The last two conclaves have all concluded by the end of the second day.
There is no way of knowing at this stage whether this will be a long or a short conclave – but cardinals are aware that dragging the proceedings on could be interpreted as a sign of gaping disagreements.
As they discuss, pray and vote, outside the boarded-up windows of the Sistine Chapel thousands of faithful will be looking up to the chimney to the right of St Peter’s Basilica, waiting for the white plume of smoke to signal that the next pope has been elected.
[BBC]
Features
Beyond Left and Right: From Populism to Pragmatism and Recalibrating Democracy

The world is going through a political shake-up. Everywhere you look—from Western democracies to South Asian nations—people are choosing leaders and parties that seem to clash in ideology. One moment, a country swings left, voting for progressive policies and climate action. The next, a neighbouring country rushes into the arms of right-wing populism, talking about nationalism and tradition.
It’s not just puzzling—it’s historic. This global tug of war between opposing political ideas is unlike anything we’ve seen in recent decades. In this piece, I explore this wave of political contradictions, from the rise of labour movements in Australia and Canada, to the continued strength of conservative politics in the US and India, and finally to the surprising emergence of a radical leftist party in Sri Lanka.
Australia and Canada: A Comeback for Progressive Politics
Australia recently voted in the Labour Party, with Anthony Albanese becoming Prime Minister after years of conservative rule under Scott Morrison. Albanese brought with him promises of fairer wages, better healthcare, real action on climate change, and closing the inequality gap. For many Australians, it was a fresh start—a turn away from business-as usual politics.
In Canada, a political shift is unfolding with the rise of The Right Honourable Mark Carney, who became Prime Minister in March 2025, after leading the Liberal Party. Meanwhile, Jagmeet Singh and the New Democratic Party (NDP) are gaining traction with their progressive agenda, advocating for enhanced social safety nets in healthcare and housing to address growing frustrations with rising living costs and a strained healthcare system..
But let’s be clear—this isn’t a return to old-school socialism. Instead, voters seem to be leaning toward practical, social-democratic ideas—ones that offer government support without fully rejecting capitalism. People are simply fed up with policies that favour the rich while ignoring the struggles of everyday families. They’re calling for fairness, not radicalism.
America’s Rightward Drift: The Trump Effect Still Lingers
In contrast, the political story in the United States tells a very different tale. Even after Donald Trump left office in 2020, the Republican Party remains incredibly powerful—and popular.
Trump didn’t win hearts through traditional conservative ideas. Instead, he tapped into a raw frustration brewing among working-class Americans. He spoke about lost factory jobs, unfair trade deals, and an elite political class that seemed disconnected from ordinary life. His messages about “America First” and restoring national pride struck a chord—especially in regions hit hard by globalisation and automation.
Despite scandals and strong opposition, Trump’s brand of politics—nationalist, anti-immigration, and skeptical of global cooperation—continues to dominate the Republican Party. In fact, many voters still see him as someone who “tells it like it is,” even if they don’t agree with everything he says.
It’s a sign of a deeper trend: In the US, cultural identity and economic insecurity have merged, creating a political environment where conservative populism feels like the only answer to many.
India’s Strongman Politics: The Modi Era Continues
Half a world away, India is witnessing its own version of populism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—has ruled with a blend of Hindu nationalism, economic ambition, and strong leadership.
Modi is incredibly popular. His supporters praise his development projects, digital push, and efforts to raise India’s profile on the global stage. But critics argue that his leadership is dividing the country along religious lines and weakening its long-standing secular values.
Still, for many Indians—especially the younger generation and the rural poor—Modi represents hope, strength, and pride. They see him as someone who has delivered where previous leaders failed. Whether it’s building roads, providing gas connections to villages, or cleaning up bureaucracy, the BJP’s strong-arm tactics have resonated with large sections of the population.
India’s political direction shows how nationalism can be powerful—especially when combined with promises of economic progress and security.
A Marxist Comeback? Sri Lanka’s Political Wild Card
Then there’s Sri Lanka—a country in crisis, where politics have taken a shocking turn.
For decades, Sri Lanka was governed by familiar faces and powerful families. But after years of financial mismanagement, corruption, and a devastating economic collapse, public trust in mainstream parties has plummeted. Into this void stepped a party many thought had been sidelined for good—the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist group with a history of revolutionary roots.
Once seen as radical and even dangerous, the JVP has rebranded itself as a disciplined, modern political force. Today, it speaks directly to the country’s suffering masses: those without jobs, struggling to buy food, and fed up with elite corruption.
The party talks about fair wealth distribution, workers’ rights, and standing up to foreign economic pressures. While their ideas are left-leaning, their growing support is driven more by public frustration with current political leaders than by any shift toward Marxism by the public or any move away from it by the JVP.
Sri Lanka’s case is unique—but not isolated. Across the world, when economies collapse and inequality soars, people often turn to ideologies that offer hope and accountability—even if they once seemed extreme.
A Global Puzzle: Why Are Politics So Contradictory Now?
So what’s really going on? Why are some countries swinging left while others turn right?
The answer lies in the global crises and rapid changes of the past two decades. The 2008 financial crash, worsening inequality, mass migrations, terrorism fears, the COVID-19 pandemic, and now climate change have all shaken public trust in traditional politics.
Voters everywhere are asking the same questions: Who will protect my job? Who will fix healthcare? Who will keep us safe? The answers they choose depend not just on ideology, but on their unique national experiences and frustrations.
In countries where people feel abandoned by global capitalism, they may choose left-leaning parties that promise welfare and fairness. In others, where cultural values or national identity feel under threat, right-wing populism becomes the answer.
And then there’s the digital revolution. Social media has turbocharged political messaging. Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube allow both left and right movements to reach people directly—bypassing traditional media. While this has given power to progressive youth movements, it’s also allowed misinformation and extremist views to flourish, deepening polarisation.
Singapore: The Legacy of Pragmatic Leadership and Technocratic Governance
Singapore stands as a unique case in the global political landscape, embodying a model of governance that blends authoritarian efficiency with capitalist pragmatism. The country’s political identity has been shaped largely by its founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, often regarded as a political legend for transforming a resource-poor island into one of the most prosperous and stable nations in the world. His brand of leadership—marked by a strong central government, zero tolerance for corruption, and a focus on meritocracy—has continued to influence Singapore’s political ideology even after his passing. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), which has been in power since independence, remains dominant, but it has had to adapt to a new generation of voters demanding more openness, transparency, and participatory governance.
Despite criticisms of limited political pluralism, Singapore’s model is often admired for its long-term planning, public sector efficiency, and ability to balance rapid economic development with social harmony. In an era of rising populism and political fragmentation elsewhere, Singapore’s consistent technocratic approach provides a compelling counter-narrative—one that prioritises stability, strategic foresight, and national cohesion over ideological extremes.
What the Future Holds
We are living in a time where political boundaries are blurring, and old labels don’t always fit. Left and right are no longer clear-cut. Populists can be socialist or ultra-conservative. Liberals may support strong borders. Conservatives may promote welfare if it wins votes.
What matters now is trust—people are voting for those who seem to understand their pain, not just those with polished manifestos.
As economic instability continues and global challenges multiply, this ideological tug-of-war is likely to intensify. Whether we see more progressive reforms or stronger nationalist movements will depend on how well political leaders can address real issues, from food security to climate disasters.
One thing is clear: the global political wave is still rising. And it’s carrying countries in very different directions.
Conclusion
The current wave of global political ideology is defined by its contradictions, complexity, and context-specific transformations. While some nations are experiencing a resurgence of progressive, left-leaning movements—such as Australia’s Labour Party, Canada’s New Democratic Party, and Sri Lanka’s Marxist-rooted JVP—others are gravitating toward right-wing populism, nationalist narratives, and conservative ideologies, as seen in the continued strength of the US Republican Party and the dominant rule of Narendra Modi’s BJP in India. Amid this ideological tug-of-war, Singapore presents a unique political model. Eschewing populist swings, it has adhered to a technocratic, pragmatic form of governance rooted in the legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, whose leadership transformed a struggling post-colonial state into a globally admired economic powerhouse. Singapore’s emphasis on strategic planning, meritocracy, and incorruptibility provides a compelling contrast to the ideological turbulence in many democracies.
What ties these divergent trends together is a common undercurrent of discontent with traditional politics, growing inequality, and the digital revolution’s impact on public discourse. Voters across the world are searching for leaders and ideologies that promise clarity, security, and opportunity amid uncertainty. In mature democracies, this search has split into dual pathways—either toward progressive reform or nostalgic nationalism. In emerging economies, political shifts are even more fluid, influenced by economic distress, youth activism, and demands for institutional change.
Ultimately, the world is witnessing not a single ideological revolution, but a series of parallel recalibrations. These shifts do not point to the triumph of one ideology over another, but rather to the growing necessity for adaptive, responsive, and inclusive governance. Whether through leftist reforms, right-wing populism, or technocratic stability like Singapore’s, political systems will increasingly be judged not by their ideological purity but by their ability to address real-world challenges, unite diverse populations, and deliver tangible outcomes for citizens. In that respect, the global political wave is not simply a matter of left vs. right—it is a test of resilience, innovation, and leadership in a rapidly evolving world.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT , Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
An opportunity to move from promises to results

The local government elections, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023, but were postponed by the previous government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections be held without delay. They may have feared a defeat would erode that government’s already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate following the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place at present will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.
Examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to bring a halt to corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.
The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for over 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further the unclaimed land to be designated as “state land” raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government’s election campaign in the North and East. High-level visits by the President, Prime Minister, and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government’s cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka’s unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.
Economic Incentives
In the North and East, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, return of military-occupied land, release of long-term Tamil prisoners, and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim lands. They make the point that, while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land has been highlighted as reflecting the government’s deference to majority ethnic sentiment.
The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are themselves fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency, and opportunity—criteria that favour the ruling party’s approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five year plan for the development of Jaffna.
There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make, that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president’s remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticized by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.
Broader Vision
The government’s Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the North and East, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability, and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.
As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the Western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory at the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th Amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalize on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.
Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst these, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful at those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its 2/3 majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government’s mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.
by Jehan Perera
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