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THE HISTORY OF COLOMBO

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By AN OCTOGENERIAN

A few years ago there was a series of articles in which the residents of Colombo were referred to as ‘Colombians.’ This inspired this writer to trace the history of Colombo and the derivation of its name.

It is reasonable to assume that the history of this city commenced from as early as the eighth century when traders from such diverse and distant countries as Arabia, China and Rome sailed into the harbor to barter their products in exchange for spices, specially cinnamon, for which our island –known to them as ‘Serendib’ had gained a world wide reputation.

Much later in 1344 the renowned Moroccan traveler Ibin Batuta had visited the island and referred to Colombo as Kalanbu. However from that year onward there have been conflicting interpretations of the manner by which ‘Colombo’ had got its name.

Firstly in 1505 when the Portuguese fleet had been blown by adverse winds and had drifted into the harbor they named the adjoining city as Colombo. This name had been derived from the ancient Sinhala term ‘Kolon Thota,’ which meant the port on the river Kelani. The second interpretation is that the name of the city had been derived from the Sinhala term ‘Kola Amba Thota’ which meant the harbor near which grew mango- (‘Amba’) trees which had plenty of leaves – (‘Kola’). A similar observation had been made by Robert Knox in his book titled ‘ A Historical Relation of Ceylon’ which was published in 1681.

Most readers would be aware that Robert Knox was no stranger to this island, having been held as a captive for 20 years by the king of the Kandyan Kingdom – Rajasinghe II who ruled from 1629 – 1687. Yet another interpretation is associated with the renowned explorer and navigator, Christopher Colombus whose name in Italian was Christoforo Colombo. Since he was married to a Portuguese and had lived in Lisbon for several years, his Portuguese connection was the most likely reason for this city to be named in his honor.

The Portuguese after having arrived in Colombo sent a delegation to meet King Vira Parakramabahu VIII (1484 to 1518 ) who reigned over the Kingdom of Kotte which during that period included the city of Colombo were cordially received in audience with the King. The Portuguese who were determined to consolidate their position in Colombo took the opportunity to obtain the permission of King Vira Parakramabahu to build a fort in Colombo.

Their first fort was constructed in 1518 and named ‘Santa Barbara.’ This was abandoned in 1524 and a new fort built on the same site in 1554. Archaeologists have identified this site as having been located between the present Colombo harbor and the Beira lake.

The history of Colombo continues by referring to the churches they built. The first of the many Roman Catholic churches built by the Portuguese was named ‘Nossa Senhora Milagres’ which meant Our Lady of Miracles. It is where the present Anglican church of St Paul’s is located in Milagiriya. The name Milagiriya having been derived from the Sinhalised form of the Portuguese word ‘milagre’ which meant miracle.

Along Ginthupitiya street there is another building of historical significance. This is the 19th century built Sri Siva Subramania Swamy Kovil dedicated to Lord Muruga also referred to as the God of Kataragama, which can be seen even today. It is also recorded that many years ago Ginthupitiya, was named as ‘ San Thome Pitiya,’ because many Christians believed that St Thomas the Apostle had visited this site and preached to the people. However it must be emphasized that there is no authenticated evidence that St Thomas had ever visited Ginthupitiya/San Thome Pitiya.

The Dutch who arrived in the island in 1640 made Colombo their stronghold, referring to it as their Operational Centre. Not being Roman Catholics but Protestants they did not want to be outdone by the Portuguese who had, as mentioned earlier, built many churches. For this reason they decided to build their own churches in accordance with their faith.

The best known Dutch church is the Wolvendaal Church, which they referred to as Wolvendaalse Kirk, which even today is a place of worship for the Non- Roman Catholics. Another edifice built by them was the Dutch Hospital which is considered to be one of the oldest buildings in Colombo Fort. It has now been converted to be an imposing and impressionable shopping arcade and a popular dining rendezvous.

The British who defeated the Dutch made Colombo their main city but went further by establishing it as the island’s capital. At the risk of striking a sad and somber note, it needs to be stated that in 1866 the British donated to Colombo the 48- acre burial grounds referred to as Kanatte. Here among the many thousands who rest in peaceful slumber is the prominent science- fiction writer Sir Arthur C. Clarke.

There is also what may be referred to as the second grave of Sri Lanka’s valiant martyr Henry Pedris who was executed for treason by the British on July 7, 1915. In keeping with British military tradition his body was buried in an unmarked location in a secret plot far from Colombo. But in 1987 his relatives unearthed his body and buried it in Kanatte.

Colombo has another cemetery which is located along Jawatte road in what is referred today as Colombo 05. Unknown to many it is the largest Commonwealth War cemetery in the island. On July 8, 2005 it was declared as an archaeological site. Furthermore it is interesting to note that ‘Ja’ which are the first two letters of ‘Jawatte’ refers to the Malay community, who had purchased the block of land for use as a cemetery in 1941

Readers will be surprised to know that in Colombo the British had built many well known edifices which today are considered to be landmarks such as the Galle Face Hotel, Cargills Building. Also built in British times were the University of Colombo Building which was originally built for Royal College, the Joseph Frazer Nursing Home, the old House of Parliament, Temple Trees, the President’s House, the former General Post Office, Lloyds Building, the National Museum and the Old Town Hall located in Pettah which is presently a Museum and contains a fascinating collection of memorabilia such as street signs, steam rollers and printing presses.

Mention must also be made of another British contribution to the city of Colombo. This was the tramcar network, which operated on two main routes, Fort – Grandpass and Fort – Borella . This network was discontinued 1953.

To continue the history of Colombo it is now relevant to refer to World War II ( September 1, 1939 – September 2, 1945 ) and in particular to the involvement of Japan. It was during this period that under Emperor Hirohito the Japanese carried out a campaign of ruthless expansionism and militarization in the countries of South East Asia. It commenced with the unprovoked destruction of the American fleet berthed in Pearl harbor in Hawaii on December 7, 1941.

From then onwards they systematically ravaged every country in South Asia. Finally when on February 15, 1942 Singapore was captured, it was inevitable that their next conquest would be Ceylon. During this period Ceylon – as our island was referred to, was a British colony and the Allied forces comprising British, Canadian and troops from the independent dominions of the British Commonwealth were stationed in many parts of the island but were concentrated in Colombo and Trincomalee. But since this article is about the history of Colombo, a description of the Japanese attack on Trincomalee will regrettably have to be left for another day.

It was the intention of the Japanese forces to have complete control of the Indian ocean thereby disrupting the British sea lanes with India and the Middle East and also to be within striking distance of the oil fields in the Persian Gulf over which Britain had a virtual monopoly. It was in anticipation of a Japanese attack which if successful would have been irreparably detrimental to the British that the Allied forces stationed in Colombo were compelled to take numerous precautionary measures which to the citizens of Colombo were more often than not a source of irritation and impatience.

Every evening by sunset all street lights were switched off. The time was advanced by one hour to enable office workers to return to their homes before darkness covered the city. The movement of vehicles was prohibited, unless the owner/driver had a special pass in which case the head lamps had to be covered leaving just enough space for a glimmer of light to appear to prevent the driver from taking the wrong turn.

There were also what has been referred to as ‘Black Out’ nights. Residents living within the city were compelled to drape black curtains or fix sheets of cardboard over every window in their houses to prevent any light from appearing from outside. Colombo was in complete darkness, thereby making it impossible for Japanese bombers to identify any important landmarks. Sirens were installed to warn the people whenever there was a possibility of an air raid and on hearing the eerie screech of the siren they had to take refuge in the specially built underground air-raid shelters which were located at key points within the city .

A Mobile Air-Raid Precaution (ARP) team was formed mainly comprising of Rover Scouts which was headed by the Scout Commissioner. Their duty was to ensure that the public adhered to the regulations which had been enforced to safeguard them in case of a Japanese attack. Co-operative Stores were established throughout the city and a coupon system introduced for the purchase of essential groceries. Nevertheless there was a scarcity of rice for which a substitute referred to as ‘bajiri’ was issued. Even though many quite justifiably complained that it tasted like straw, there was no alternative.

Early in the morning on Sunday April 5, 1942, the worst fears of the Allied forces materialized. The Japanese armada led by Vice Admiral Mitsuo Fuchida who was responsible for the attack on the American fleet in Pearl harbor bombed Colombo devastating strategic installations in the city and harbor. The Japanese attack was so relentless that one pilot carefully avoiding the balloon barrages connected to the ground by steel wires which swayed high in the air over the harbor, demonstrated his devotion to his country and his Emperor by committing the ultimate sacrifice of ‘Harakiri’ by diving bombing into the funnel of a British destroyer berthed in the harbor bursting its fuel tanks and sinking the ship.

It is now relevant to quote the statement issued by the war-time Prime Minister of Britain, Sir Winston Churchill: “The most dangerous moment of the war and the one which caused me the greatest alarm was when the Japanese fleet was heading for Ceylon and the naval base there,” this being a reference to the Colombo harbor.

The war-time history of Colombo needs to be continued with the mention of Flight Lieutenant Leonard Birchall who was acclaimed as the ‘Savior of Ceylon.’ because while piloting his Catalina sea plane he was alarmed to see the Japanese fleet just 360 miles off the coast of the island and heading for the Colombo harbor. He was barely able to send a message of warning to the Allied forces stationed in Colombo when his plane was shot down and he was captured by the Japanese crew and taken to a Prisoner of War camp in Japan, to be questioned under torture as to whether he did send a message to the Allied forces stationed in Colombo.

It was his fortuitous warning which enabled the Allied forces in Colombo to be prepared for the impending Japanese attack. During the raid many residents of Colombo were in such a state of frenzied panic that they fled seeking refuge in homes far away from Colombo. Those who remained behind were able to watch the unforgettable sight in the sky above of what had been referred to as ‘dog fights’ between the RAF (Royal Air Force) Hawker Hurricanes and the Japanese Mitsubishi Zero fighter planes. When the raid was over burning wrecks of Japanese aircraft were found in places outside Colombo. However according to an unconfirmed report one wreck was found on Galle Face Green and another in Maradana.

Finally the writer is pleased to mention that one of the most unforgettable contributions made by the British to Ceylon was the game of cricket. Even though it is not rated as the national sport it is certainly the most popular, making us a cricket crazy country, perhaps second only to India.



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The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

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Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

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China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy The Global Times

The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Daughter in the spotlight …

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Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.

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