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The (geo)politics of a bailout

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By Uditha Devapriya

China has backed Sri Lanka’s debt plan. To be more specific, as Bloomberg reported on Tuesday, it has “given assurances that it will support Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring.” This is a significant breakthrough, and it means that, in the coming weeks, the country will receive that much hyped and much sought after IMF Extended Fund Facility (EFF) bailout of USD 2.9 billion. The bailout will be disbursed in a series of tranches over four years: not enough to salvage a debt-ridden economy, even on Sri Lanka’s scale, but, according to certain analysts at least, enough to assure investors to return to the country.

Restoring investor confidence in a country like Sri Lanka, with the kind of government it has and the foreign policy shifts it has gone through over the last year, is of course not a big problem. Unlike most other countries which are reeling from debt crises and the possibility of sovereign default, Sri Lanka has had it good. China’s assurances did take time, but the fact of the matter is that multilateral institutions, the IMF in particular, were amenable to the government’s reform package: the IMF’s recent declaration on the much reviled tax hikes, for instance – it called them painful but necessary, in line with international best practices – shows very clearly that the world’s most powerful financial institution is not in fundamental disagreement with the UNP-SLPP regime’s economic policies.

That said, getting China’s assurances was not easy. Were it not for Indian assistance last year, Sri Lanka would have gone Lebanon’s way: a point that is not lost on both countries’ political elites and diplomatic officials, as they ramp up efforts to integrate their power and energy sectors. A recent Sunday Times political column reported that in 2022, then Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa was on the verge of negotiating a significant loan from China. This might have been on the scale of the USD 2 billion loan rollover that Pakistan is expecting from Beijing. In Sri Lanka’s case, though, that loan never materialised, because the country was mired in a crisis so big that the government had no choice but to resign.

Against this backdrop, India blinked before China could, and it made good use of Sri Lanka’s vulnerabilities, sending it the oil and gas it needed to keep its power grid and transportation system running. When it exhausted these credit lines in July, Sri Lanka had no alternative to look for: it desperately sent one delegation after another to Qatar and to Russia, but none of them bore fruit. The lesson there was clear: without Indian assistance, Sri Lanka would be nowhere. Thus, as the country got soaked in one uprising after another, after one President left and the man he had appointed as Prime Minister took his place, the government could only veer sharply to the right, becoming probably the most neoliberal any government in Sri Lanka has become since the 1980s. Whatever populist trappings the Rajapaksas had infused into this neoliberal-authoritarian setup vanished overnight.

It would be ridiculous to think that the big powers in the Indo-Pacific – India, China, and the US, and the wider West through the QUAD Alliance – ignored these developments. The government’s reluctance to look for alternative energy sources, even as it was clear that Sri Lanka could make use of Russian oil and gas, pointed at one thing: the country would not go beyond the IMF line, which by extension was Washington’s line.

The West seems to have taken this bait, which explains how, despite the cosmetic criticisms of the government’s handling of protesters, there is much more engagement by these countries with this regime. To be as blunt as possible, in Ranil Wickremesinghe the West found someone who could, as he indeed did, push forward the economic reforms they were advocating. For his part Wickremesinghe pursued a policy that was in line with IMF diktat, but that was also somewhat in line with previous policy, as his government’s stance on the China-Taiwan Question and the Russia-Ukraine War clearly illustrated.

There is a simple explanation why the government, though touting a pro-West line in its economic policies, has not gone completely pro-Western in its foreign policies. To be sure, this regime has no official foreign policy. But at a book launch three months ago, Foreign Minister Ali Sabry admitted that “for Sri Lanka, everyone is important.” More recently, in parliament, he conceded that the country is no longer non-aligned, but “multi-aligned.” Whatever they mean, the rationale for these statements is clear. Sri Lanka is a small state, and it cannot sidestep one bloc over another. Indeed, not even when its economy was in better shape did it indulge in ideological posturing vis-à-vis its foreign relations – and in the rare circumstances that it did, as in the early years of its independence, it had to backtrack quickly, leading to landmark developments like the Rubber-Rice Pact.

The Aeroflot controversy and the Yuang Wang 5 episode showed that while the country was aligned with the West over its economic policies and reforms, it could, did, and had to engage in a balancing act where other powers were concerned. It could not shirk India and the US – which anyway had, in the eyes of the public, given it the money the country had so desperately wanted – and yet it could not avoid China and Russia either.

This does not mean the West, or for that matter India, has given up on Sri Lanka. Quite the contrary. Last month, for instance, a high-level German delegation met the President and informed him that the country’s human rights record put its GSP Plus status in jeopardy. It then asked for Sri Lanka’s support at the recent UN resolution against Russia – a resolution which revealed a split between the Global North and the Global South. These developments should tell us that the West is subtly pressurising Sri Lanka, and that it is not above using the country’s dependence on its markets to push forward its foreign policies.

For now, it seems as though the West is satisfied with Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory, though that trajectory is by no means as pro-Western as it was in the 1980s. This is not to say that the West will go all the way up or down with this regime. But the government is besieged by an array of Opposition parties, and the more popular among them are veering to the Left. The most popular among them is the JVP-NPP, which, despite its criticism of Chinese projects, has been sympathetic to China. The JVP-NPP has also come out against the 13th Amendment: a point that will definitely not be to India’s liking.

Since of late, these parties have been critical of IMF negotiations as well: speaking at a rally, for instance, Sunil Handunetti accused the government of becoming ecstatic “whenever they get money from the World Bank.” More recently, Vijitha Herath lambasted its reckless pursuit of IMF reforms, stating that they were not the solution to the crisis and they would ultimately put the country back in debt. By contrast, the main Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) has been critical of parties opposing IMF reforms, arguing that there is no alternative. Indeed, far from criticising neoliberal austerity, the SJB has been eager to depict itself as more business-friendly and pro-Western than its competitors.

The only counteracting force within the SJB, ironically, has been Sajith Premadasa, its leader. While the neoliberal right-wing in the party has been promoting IMF visions of neoliberal austerity, Premadasa, the son of a populist president, has been making statements that are the obverse of his colleagues’ more liberal, centre-right position. Thus, barely a day after he publicly announced his support for the death penalty against terrorists and drug-dealers, Eran Wickramaratne, an MP known for his advocacy of neoliberal reforms and liberal values, admitted that the party had no definitive stance on the issue.

Not unlike the government, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya does not have a proper, cohesive foreign policy. Its focus has been on economic reform, as its recent press conferences and seminars make clear. Recent statements, however, indicate that it is clarifying its foreign policy stances also: at the recent parliamentary debate where Minister Ali Sabry made his remark about multi-alignment, it was Eran Wickramaratne who made the case against non-alignment, observing that in the present setup, it no longer made sense to pursue such a policy. Given geopolitical realities, though, the SJB has been as pragmatic as the JVP-NPP on issues like Russia-Ukraine and China: hence MP Wickramaratne’s outburst against foreign interests trying to set up military bases in the country. Nevertheless, the JVP-NPP has been more vocal about such topics, and it has taken the Left’s position on them.

Given all this, the government, which is led by a president who is hawkish on economic reform and ostensibly dove-ish on ethnic relations, has cultivated better relations with the West than has the Opposition. This may not sit in well with liberals who idealise and look up to the West as some sort of saviour. But it does sit in well with the harsh world of realpolitik: a world that the current President is only too familiar with.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.



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Dilemmas of ‘hurting economies’ – the case of Sri Lanka

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Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (right) and Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.

However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’

This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.

Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’

Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.

Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.

There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’

Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.

As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.

This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.

Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.

On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.

It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.

One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.

Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.

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Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands

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(L-R) D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture; Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, K. D. Lal Kantha, Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives at the signing ceremony.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.

The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.

Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.

This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.

“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”

“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.

The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.

A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.

By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.

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War on Iran may hasten unraveling of New World Order

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It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.

When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.

Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.

The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In  Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.

Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.

These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.

Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.

If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”.  Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.

Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.

Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.

Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.

However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.

These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.

by  N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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