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Editorial

The games people play

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A ‘Great Game,’ if we may borrow a term from the history of British military strategy to retain the Empire’s stranglehold of India, is clearly afoot in this island of ours. This relates to the local elections that must be completed by February according to the present law. But government politicians who are obviously afraid, nay terrified, of facing any election while memories are yet fresh of the agony people faced during what we called our annus horribilis in this space the previous Sunday, keep making statements suggesting that this election may not be held. This despite the election process now begun and the necessary wheels rolling. The executive, both in the presidency and in the legislature, are very well aware that any electoral test of their popularity at this time will at best be near fatal. Hence the jiggery-pokery we’re seeing now.

There is no question in anybody’s mind that the SLPP has clearly lost its mandate with Gotabaya Rajapaksa fleeing in disgrace and Mahinda forced out of the prime ministry. But all things are impermanent as the Buddha said and we have been treated recently to images of GR enjoying himself at an animal park in Dubai, MR making the odd statement in parliament and outside and Namal baby showing his face in public now and then. Basil Rajapaksa, of course, is very much in the thick of things running the affairs of the pohottuwa party behind the scenes. This has to do with ongoing arrangements between between the SLPP and the UNP relating to the local elections. Though nominations have been called and some deposits made, “it ain’t over until the fat lady sings” as The Island editorially commented a couple of days back.

The people, busy as they are in the struggle to survive today’s cost of living, are not wildly enthusiastic about any election. Their disgust with the system is explicit. They have scant respect for the various local authorities rendering them little services in return for the rates they pay. No doubt the president’s recent pronouncement that the number of councilors from the municipalities down to the humblest pradeshiya sabhas must be reduced from about 8,000 at present to 4,000 has struck a responsive chord. The public are resentful of the paid leeches sitting in the various councils, many of them fattening on corruption, and would dearly love to see their numbers slashed if we must have them at all. But all ruses to put off the elections for reasons of costs – most logical in the context of today’s cash strapped economy – and youth representation etc. are altogether suspect.

The opposition, be it the JVP-NPP widely perceived to be gaining increasing electoral support, or the main opposition SJB of Sajith Premadasa, are all too well aware of the government’s discomfiture over holding the local elections. Hence their effort to ensure that the due elections are held in time and forestall any attempt to the contrary. President Ranil Wickremesinghe met the Elections Commission last week and asked its members “to unite,” it was reported on Friday. This obviously relates to the local elections and the request made strongly suggests the existence of two points of view within the commission on whether the elections are to be held as required or not.

Any statement from the president clarifying that the elections will be held come what may will clear the air and nail any ambiguities. But as recently as last week, we had UNP Chairman Wajira Abeywardene saying the country had no money to fund the election, reportedly Rs. 10 billion, and that money will have to be printed to pay for it. Such a statement from the UNP chairman would not have been made without his party leader’s authority. Agriculture Minister Mahinda Amaraweera went on record asking the government and the finance ministry to immediately provide funds for the purchase of farmers’ paddy before spending on elections for the “sake of the rice-eating people of the country.” Other government functionaries have also thrown their own two cents worth. So what is the people to make of all this?

The president last week made very clear that he will not be part of any local government poll. In any vigorous democracy, an elected leader whether he be a president or prime minister, must be the leader of the whole country and not just of his own party. Thus the president’s assertion is most welcome. If the election is in fact held – and the country is still in doubt of whether this will be so or not – Wickremesinghe’s statement indicates that he will not be campaigning either for his own UNP or the SLPP which elected him head of government and head of state a few months ago. The state-controlled Daily News quoted him on Thursday saying his “mandate” (such as it was) was not to go for an election but pull the country out of the abyss into which it had fallen. He told senior leaders of his party on Wednesday that he will chair the UNP Working Committee meeting which will decide on running at the elections “only as a tradition.”

All this only makes the confusion most confounded. Adding to this is the court action filed by a retired colonel that a section of the media called a GR confidante, challenging the holding of the election. It seems clear that the people will only know whether the election will be held or not, not even when nominations are received, but only when they walk up to the ballot boxes.



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Editorial

Dulling the pangs of hunger

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Saturday 5th April, 2025

The government has, with the help of the National Food Promotion Board, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture, launched a programme to provide the public with nutritious food at reasonable prices as part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. The public, fleeced by private eatery owners ruthlessly, will surely benefit from this programme, which deserves praise. It will also help improve the government’s approval rating significantly. A way to a person’s heart is said to be through his or her stomach.

A widely-held misconception is that every prospect pleases in this country, and only politicians are vile. True, most politicians are thought to be bad, but it is not fair to single them out for castigation. There are many others who are either equally bad or even worse. The blame for people’s hardships due to the high cost of living should be apportioned to the business community, given to unconscionably exploitative practices; its members, from wayside eatery owners to corporate fat cats, jack up the prices of their products and services according to their whims and fancies, at the expense of the public. The rice millers have become a law unto themselves.

Why food inflation is high is not difficult to understand. A plain hopper is priced at Rs. 25, and an egg costs about Rs. 30 at present, but an egg hopper is sold at Rs. 100! Food prices that went into the stratosphere at the height of the economic crisis in 2022 have not come down significantly owing to the greed of the unscrupulous members of the business community.

The government initiative to make quality food available at reasonable prices to the public should continue, and it is hoped that the NPP leaders will also develop the Hela Bojun Hala (HBH) restaurant chain under the Ministry of Agriculture. These eating places not only sell nutritious food made from local ingredients at very reasonable prices but also economically empower women. All HBH outlets are run by women and do not sell wheat flour products or sugary drinks.

The NPP government can give a turbo boost to the HBH programme by expanding it across the country. That will help provide direct employment to many more women. Sri Lanka’s overall unemployment rate is 4.7%, and about 6.7% women are unemployed. Besides, during gluts, fruit and vegetable growers often dump their unsold produce on the roadside in protest. The government may be able to use the HBH network to help the farming community while generating employment opportunities and providing the public with quality food at affordable prices.

Minister of Agriculture K. D. Lalkantha, known for innovative thinking and hard work, was the chief guest at the recent launch of the aforesaid food programme. He should take time off from pursuits such as counting monkeys and give serious thought to developing the HBH network further so that more people will have access to reasonably-priced, hygienic, and nutritious foods, and more jobs can be created for women, and men as well if a home delivery service is set up at the HBH outlets.

Sri Lanka’s political culture is such that when a new government is elected it launches its own programmes and either scrap the ones introduced by its predecessor or let them wither on the vine. It is hoped that the NPP government will be different and develop the HBH programme, which has become a success.

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Editorial

Trump’s pound of flesh and bleeding nations

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Friday 4th April, 2025

US President Donald Trump has jacked up tariffs on imports in the name of making America wealthy again. Yesterday, he signed an executive order, with his usual melodrama, increasing tariffs on goods imported from many countries including Sri Lanka, which will now have to pay as much as 44% by way of tariff on its exports to the US. Claiming that the unprecedented tariff hike is a reciprocal measure, Trump has said the new 44% tariff is in response to Sri Lanka’s 88% trade barriers on American goods. It is a case of a giant competing with a dwarf!

Powerful nations are resilient enough to absorb the US tariff shocks, but the weaker economies like Sri Lanka are bound to reel and even go into a tailspin, causing further destabilisation of the developing world. The US tariff hike will deal a body blow to Sri Lanka’s export sector, especially its garment industry, which is showing signs of recovery. Sri Lankan goods, especially garments, will now be less competitive in the US market. Other Asian garment exporters, such as India, Bangladesh and Vietnam, also have higher US tariffs to contend with but not to the same extent as Sri Lanka. There’s the rub.

A drastic decline in export earnings due to the new US tariffs will invariably lead to a decrease in Sri Lanka’s foreign currency reserves, causing a further depreciation of the rupee, an increase in inflation, job losses, and even socio-political upheavals unless the US takes the fragile condition of the Sri Lankan economy and softens its stand.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has appointed an expert committee to study the economic fallout of the US tariff hike and recommend remedial measures. This is a step in the right direction, and it is hoped that the government, together with all other stakeholders, will be able to formulate a mitigatory strategy to cushion the impact of the new US tariffs on the local industries and the ailing economy. Most of all, the government will have to manage the country’s foreign currency reserves frugally.

What the US can gain from the unprecedented hike in tariffs on Sri Lankan exports is negligible, and it will not give any significant boost to the US economy or industries. Is Washington trying to leverage Sri Lanka’s overdependence on the US as an export destination to further its geopolitical interests in a bigger way? Is the Trump administration goading Sri Lanka into a situation where the latter will be left with no alternative but to agree to anything including controversial agreements, owing to its sheer desperation to have the US tariffs on its exports reduced?

If what Trump said, while announcing the new tariffs is anything to go by, he wants to make America wealthy again by creating conditions for the domestic industries to be ‘reborn’. But he has apparently ignored factors like stringent environmental laws, higher cost of domestic labour, increases in raw material costs due to new tariffs, technological competition, etc., which will stand in the way of the US in achieving his dream.

Whether Trump will be able to realise his MAGA (Make America Great Again) goal by resorting to ruthless actions that weaken the economies in the developing world may be in doubt, but one possible outcome of his tariff war, as it were, is not difficult to predict. Extremely high tariffs the US has imposed on imports are at variance with the liberal economic principles and policies it has long championed. Such excessively protectionist measures could undermine America’s global dominance, driving smaller nations to gravitate towards its rivals in search of favourable trade terms. Russia lost no time in offering to help Sri Lanka’s export sector. Other powerful nations are likely to follow suit where the developing countries troubled by the US tariffs are concerned.

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Editorial

A welcome judgment

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Thursday 3rd April, 2025

Justice finally caught up with former North Central Province Chief Minister S. M. Ranjith and his sister-in-law Shanthi Chandrasena yesterday, when the Colombo High Court (HC), which heard a case filed by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) against them in 2021, sentenced them to 16 years RI for having misappropriated Rs. 2.6 million between 2012 and 2014. They were also fined Rs. 200,000 each. The HC judgment must have gladdened the hearts of all those who long for an end to corruption.

The criminal misappropriation of state funds at issue happened during the heyday of the Rajapaksa rule, which became a metaphor for corruption and abuse of power. When politicians are intoxicated with power, they become blind to the consequences of their actions, and enrich themselves as if there were no tomorrow. They usually cover their tracks, but the January 2015 regime change may have prevented CM Ranjith and his sister-in-law, who was his private secretary, from doing so. Their offence, however, pales into insignificance in comparison to what some other members of previous governments have been accused of. Unfortunately, most of those allegations have gone uninvestigated, or escape routes have been opened for the accused in some high-profile corruption cases, which were made to collapse, much to the dismay of anti-corruption campaigners and the public. Thankfully, most of those characters failed to get re-elected last year, and this is something the NPP government can flaunt as an achievement.

Another former Chief Minister––Chamara Sampath Dassanayake––has been remanded for causing a huge loss to the Uva Provincial Council by withdrawing six fixed deposits prematurely in 2016. It is hoped that all allegations of corruption, abuse of power and serious crimes such as murder against the members of previous administrations will be probed thoroughly and the culprits prosecuted expeditiously.

Corruption usually thrives under powerful governments in this country because huge majorities tend to nurture impunity. Integrity of most Sri Lankan politicians is a mere result of the unavailability of opportunities to line their pockets rather than an unwavering commitment to moral principles. Power tends to have a corrosive effect on scruples, and many self-proclaimed champions of good governance, who come to power, vowing to rid the country of corruption, end up being as corrupt as their predecessors. What we witnessed following the 2015 government change is a case in point. The ‘paragons of virtue’ in the UNP-led Yahapalana camp committed the first Treasury bond scam a few weeks after being voted into power. The present-day leaders who are campaigning hard against corruption were on a political honeymoon with the UNP at that time, and their alliance lasted until the end of the Yahapalana government in late 2019 despite very serious allegations of corruption against that administration.

There is nothing stupider than to rely on individual politicians to rid the country of bribery and corruption. They may have allegations of corruption against their political rivals probed, but it is doubtful whether they are serious about eliminating bribery and corruption. One may recall that having come to power by campaigning mainly on an anti-corruption platform, in 1994, the SLFP-led People’s Alliance government, ably assisted by several other political parties, including the UNP and the JVP, effectively deprived the national anti-graft commission of its suo motu powers, making it dependent on formal complaints to take action. Hence the need for anti-corruption laws with stronger teeth and robust institutional mechanisms to battle bribery and corruption. All existing anti-corruption mechanisms should be given a radical shake-up.

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