Features
The future is female
by Farzana Haniffa
In February 2023, I wrote a piece for Kuppi entitled, The future is female? There I discussed how while most of our undergraduate students were female, the University system was not doing enough to equip them to address the violence and misogyny in our society. In that article, I also illustrated the nature of violence and misogyny that students and young women in general face in our country.
Today, nearly two years after, I want to revisit some of the points made there in relation to recent political changes. After the election of the current government, with the participation of an array of women leaders, and the mobilization of a constituency, specifically identified as women, there is much to assess and a lot to celebrate. In the long road towards addressing the violence and misogyny in our society, the improvements in women’s leadership in Parliament is significant. I argued back then that young women, who graduate from university, enter a world where women face a significant threat of violence. I suggested that they needed to be equipped to both face as well as transform such a world. Such a transformation requires that women take on greater leadership roles. The new government has enabled the beginning of such a transformation through supporting a significant number of competent and experienced activist women to enter Parliament. This column would like to recognize and endorse this transformation and speculate as to what this might mean for our female student population today.
As Gamage and Dassanayake recently pointed out in Himal South Asian, the NPP actively mobilized women voters in a manner that was substantively different from earlier attempts. They mobilized women, highlighting women’s unpaid care work and the gendered nature of discourses regarding women’s bodies. The NPP capitalized on the fact that women in Sri Lanka who had already made great strides in other spheres were quite ready to assume leadership in politics. (Women’s groups had been agitating for decades for greater representation in government). Coming into the general elections of 14th November, 2024, the NPP nominated 36 women candidates, and 20 of them were elected. The numbers of women in Parliament—never more than a paltry 5% of the legislature since independence – is now almost 10%. However, the party’s nonrecognition of these women’s capabilities for greater leadership in the Cabinet and as Deputy Ministers was disappointing. Only two women Harini Amarasuriya, Prime Minister and Minister of Education, and Saroja Paulraj, Minister of Women and Child Affairs, were considered worthy of leadership in the Cabinet.
Our Parliament, long a (Sinhala) male bastion, has hardly been exemplary of the leadership needed for the country. It has rarely been a place that women and sexual and gender minorities have been able to have their voices heard. Victorian era laws banning same sex sexuality remain in the law books. The Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act-MMDA, a problematic relic from the 1950s, has been left unchanged for decades. Any women-friendly legislation has been hard fought. In fact, Parliament has been the locus of some of the most discriminatory, dismissive and derogatory discourse on women. (The nature of parliamentary speech regarding women has been documented by the Women and Media Collective in a 2016 publication.) While it remains too early to speak of legislation, there is at least a discernible difference in the parliamentary discourse on women as a result of the contribution by the new women MPs. Additionally, some of the female MPs’ contributions have led to substantive debates on issues ranging from debt restructuring to social protections.
In her maiden speech, NPP MP Kaushalya Ariyarathne asserted that the country depended on the labour of women but gave them few rights and privileges and subjected them to abuse. She reminded the Chamber of the many laws that needed amending in relation to the discrimination faced by women, as well as bisexual and gender minorities. She referenced the failure to amend the MMDA and the inability to bring about legislation to control micro-finance, as issues the previous political regimes needed to account for. NPP MP Lakmali Hemachandra, arguing against the portrayal of the government’s decision to not renegotiate with the IMF as a continuation of the Wickremasinghe agenda, reminded the Chamber that the goal of the current government was not to further burden the citizenry but to encourage the greater participation of those who were pushed out of economic activity in the past years. Regardless of what position we may hold on the IMF reforms, and regardless of our critique of government policies, Ariyarathne and Hemachandra’s (and others’) elevation of discussions in Parliament to the substantive issues facing the country should be recognised.
Harini Amarasuriya, in addition to being the Premier, is also Minister of Education. In keeping with her long years of activism in the education sector, if Amarasuriya is able to improve our struggling education sector, her contribution will be significant, not just for future generations of students but also for women’s leadership. Saroja Paulraj, in charge of the Ministry of Women and Child Affairs, too, has a challenge. The Women’s Ministry generally assigned the herculean task of addressing all issues related to women, experienced a 50% budget cut under the last government and has traditionally enjoyed very little substantive support to carry out its responsibilities. It has long lacked the transformative feminist potential needed for substantive change and it has been providing little more than social services. It is hoped that under this government, with Amarasuriya, Paulraj and the other women leaders of the NPP that worked for women’s political mobilization, this will change. The Ministry must reflect the progressive ethos that the women leaders of the NPP have cultivated and Paulraj must have the space to bring in her own vision emerging from decades of feminist grassroots activism into the work of the Ministry. The expectations from the women in leadership positions is significant and their achieving their goals will depend on the support they have from within the government and from the public.
Responding to the presence of strong women in Parliament, social media and middle- and upper-class drawing rooms have rarely been interested in their competence or their possibly transformative impact. Peppered with praise for the change that is being promised and lived, the conversation has been mostly about the Prime Minister’s sexual orientation. In the case of the younger MPs speaking in Parliament, the response has been more virulent. Two of them have been the target of sexualized fake news reporting. In one instance, a social media account, claiming to be of an MP, state that a woman parliamentarian had sex with the said MP in a hotel in a Colombo suburb. In another, an MP’s illicit affair is reported to the Police by his spouse, citing another of the government women MPs as the individual concerned. Both social media and a prominent newspaper reported this news, naming the woman MP. There is little or no recourse for those whose names appear on such posts, and they are shared with great glee—anticipating no personal consequences. These sorts of reportage and amplification indicate a problem with the social media platforms, the lack of regulation of such abuse as well as the rampant and violent misogyny in our society.
The political leadership’s long dismissal and derogatory treatment of women has leached into our public institutions and our daily lives. The high rates of intimate partner violence in the country have been documented. (See the 2016 report by the Department of Census and Statistics). The dismissive treatment of cases of sexual and gender-based violence by the Police and other state institutions concerned with responding to women suffering abuse have also been documented. The male population in general—across class and ethnicity—seems to have no filter with regards to the nature of insults levied against women on social media and elsewhere. The media, too, has no compunctions about reporting only that which borders on the defamatory and abusive.
The world that our students will enter today, therefore remains malevolent and thick with the possibility of violence. Overturning the culture of misogyny will take law reform and regulations, as well as time. Our students therefore need to be prepared to contribute to and lead such processes in the future. However, the thoughtful and competent activists, women currently in Parliament are figures that our students can emulate and political leadership is now a possibility that all young women can aspire to. Although there is much work still to be done, there is also much to be hopeful in the new year.
(Farzana Haniffa is professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Colombo)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics
Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.
There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.
The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.
Determined Attempt
The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.
The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.
This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.
Another Tragedy
It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.
Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.
The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.
by Jehan Perera
Features
China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka
* The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
* Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.
* Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.
On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.
This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.
Implications for Global Trade
This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.
This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.
Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.
Implications for Sri Lanka
China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.
The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.
Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!
(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Features
Daughter in the spotlight …
Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!
The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.
Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”
Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.
‘Nidahase’,
says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.
In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.
Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.
The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo
Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.
“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.
“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.
Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.
She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.
And this makes interesting reading:
“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”
Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.
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