Features

THE ANTI-CORRUPTION BILL

Published

3 years ago

2023/04/30

Dr Nihal Jayawickrama

The Minister of Justice has published an Anti-Corruption Bill. Drafted in 2018, it is described as a Bill to give effect to the 2003 UN Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC). However, it is not designed to achieve that objective in any manner or form. UNCAC, noting that the illicit acquisition of personal wealth can be particularly damaging to democratic institutions, national economies, and the rule of law, proceeds to set out in five chapters (i) Preventive Measures; (ii) Criminalization and law enforcement; (iii) International Co-operation; (iv) Asset Recovery; and (v) Technical Assistance and Information Exchange. The only reference to UNCAC in the entirety of this Bill is the designation of the Director-General (who shall not be “a convicted criminal” or a “person of unsound mind”) as the competent authority for the purpose of giving effect to UNCAC.

Asset Declarations

The Bill is 50 pages in length and contains 164 sections. The first 78 sections are concerned with the establishment of a new Commission to Investigate Allegations of Corruption. The next 13 sections require hundreds of thousands of individuals to submit Declarations of their Assets, redacted versions of which will then be made accessible to the public through a centralized electronic system. Those required to submit Declarations include even private staff of Pradeshiya Sabha members, and all staff of newspaper and media companies. Also required to do so are executives of trade unions, Army, Navy and Air Force officers, and staff officers of companies. A person submitting a Declaration is required to include the assets and liabilities of “all persons who share the common household”.

The next 68 clauses define the offences, commencing with the offering of a bribe to a Judge of the Supreme Court, and ending with bribery in private sector entities. Perhaps forgetful that section 88 permits the public to access redacted versions of every Declaration placed on the centralized electronic system, section 95 states that any person who accesses the centralized electronic system illegally will be guilty of an offence punishable with a fine of one million rupees and a sentence of eight years rigorous imprisonment.

Corruption

Twenty five years ago, Transparency International, a “not-for-profit organization” incorporated under German law (which I had the opportunity of serving as Executive Director at its international secretariat in Berlin) defined corruption as “the misuse of public power for private profit”. In that sense, the focus is essentially on the behaviour of officials in the public sector, whether politicians or civil servants, whether policymakers or administrators, through which they improperly and unlawfully enrich themselves, or those close to them, by the misuse of the public power entrusted to them. The reasons why they resort to corruption are many and varied. Some may be driven to it by poverty or the inability to match their expenses to their legitimate incomes. For others, the compelling factor is obviously avarice. Whether caused by human need or human greed, corruption has a devastating effect on the governance of a country.

Corruption involving public officials falls broadly into two categories. Conventional bribery or “petty corruption” occurs when an official demands or expects “speed money” or “grease payments” for doing an act which he or she is ordinarily required by law to do (such as processing an application for a licence, issuing an official document, clearing goods through customs, or providing a utility service), or when a bribe is paid to obtain a service which the official is prohibited from providing (such as tax evasion or avoidance of prosecution, or preferential access to state employment, housing, medical care or education).

A national household survey on corruption in a South Asian country revealed that 41% of households paid a “donation” for the admission of children into schools, while 36% made payments to or through hospital staff or other “influential persons” to secure admission into hospitals. Sixty five percent had bribed land registrars for recording a false lower sale price of a land transaction; 33% paid money to obtain electricity connections, while 32% paid less for water “by arrangement with the meter reader”. Forty seven percent were able to reduce the tax assessment on house and property “by arrangement with municipal staff on payment of money”, while 65% found it impossible to obtain trade licenses without money or influence. Sixty three percent of those involved in litigation had paid bribes to either court officials or the opponents’ lawyers, 89% of those surveyed being of the view that judges were corrupt.

“Grand corruption” occurs when a person in a high position who formulates government policy or is able to influence government decision-making, seeks, as a quid quo pro, payment, usually offshore and in foreign currency, for exercising the extensive discretionary powers vested in him or her. Grand corruption plays a significant role in four main categories of supply to government: the purchase of aircraft, ships and military supplies; the purchase of capital goods required for major industrial and agro-industrial projects; major civil engineering contracts, such as in respect of dams, bridges, highways, airports and hospitals; and the on-going purchase of bulk supplies, such as oil, fertilizers and cement, where distribution is through a parastatal company, or where there is a need for standardization, such as repeat orders for pharmaceuticals and school textbooks.

There are several reasons why, in respect of such transactions, an official may be bribed. First, a firm may pay to be included in the list of prequalified bidders. Second, it may pay for inside information. Third, a bribe may induce the official to structure the bidding specifications so that the corrupt firm is the only qualified supplier. Fourth, a firm may pay to be selected as the winning contractor. Fifth, once a firm has been selected as the contractor, it may pay to set inflated prices or to skimp on quality. While the amounts involved in these transactions may range from $100,000 to $100 million, a leading commentator with experience of Asian business dismisses the possibility of a five percent commission being paid to a senior official, a permanent secretary, a minister, or a head of state, as a “laughably low rate”.

The actual scale of corruption and the extent to which it exists in a particular country are difficult to quantify or measure in precise terms. Except for petty corruption, which many individuals may experience during their daily lives, most other forms of corruption are not immediately visible. According to an official of the Asian Development Bank, over a period of 20 years, one East Asian country is estimated to have lost $48 billion due to corruption, surpassing its entire foreign debt of $40.6 billion. An internal report of another Asian government revealed that over a decade, state assets had fallen by more than $50 billion, primarily due to deliberate undervaluing by corrupt officials responsible for a privatization programme. Studies of corruption in government procurement in several Asian countries had revealed that 20 to 100% more had been paid for goods and services.

Any decision motivated by excessive greed is likely to be both irrational and short-sighted. Apart from its direct costs in terms of lost revenue, or the diversion of funds from their intended public use into private bank accounts (it was estimated that as much as $30 billion had been deposited in foreign bank accounts by political leaders from some African countries), the indirect costs of corruption are equally disastrous. Few suppliers will be willing to absorb the costs of corruption by reducing their own margins of profit. Instead, the price is increased, or the quality of the goods or services reduced to accommodate the commission demanded.

Consequently, the ordinary citizen has to contend with sub-standard and over-priced goods and services, while the distortion of the decision-making process results in wrong suppliers or contractors being chosen, and wholly unnecessary or inappropriate purchases being made or projects undertaken. Against a background littered with “white elephants”, in an environment of uncertainty, unpredictability, and declining moral values, respect for constituted authority and, therefore, the legitimacy of government, is steadily but surely eroded.

Legal Instruments

The public expects that holders of public office will possess sufficient integrity to be able to deliver to them the services they are entitled to receive from those who govern them. In the United Kingdom, the Nolan Committee (1995) listed seven principles that the British public thought should apply to all aspects of public life. They are Selflessness, Integrity, Objectivity, Accountability, Openness, Honesty, and Leadership. Legislation incorporating these principles is widely perceived as an essential element in any counter-corruption strategy, at least for the purpose of establishing a value system that would contribute to the creation of an anti-corruption culture in the country. Indeed, UNCAC requires states parties to ensure that Codes of Conduct are established for public officials, members of the judiciary, and the prosecution service.

Eliminating corruption is not simply a matter of enacting laws. When laws do exist, they may not be applied at all or, when they are, they may tend to be directed at “small fry” rather than “big fish”, or selectively at political opponents no longer holding public office. Therefore, the mere criminalization of bribery is inadequate and ineffective. The overall objective of utilizing the law must be to convert corruption from being perceived as a “low risk, high profit” activity into one which is generally regarded as “high risk, low profit”; in other words, to increase the likelihood of corruption being detected and punished, and to reduce the likelihood of an individual being able to profit from his or her corrupt acts, whether as bribe giver or bribe receiver. For this objective to be realized, there must not only be comprehensive anti-corruption legislation, but also independent agencies capable of enforcing such legislation against all who breach it, free of political influence. Both the law and its enforcement must, of course, not infringe the internationally recognized minimum guarantees for the protection of human rights.

To counter systemic corruption, a package of laws may be required, comprising most, if not all, of the following:A law that criminalizes the offering and soliciting, and the giving and accepting, of a bribe. There is no justification for drawing a distinction between “active” and “passive” bribery. The anti-social nature of the act requires that both parties be penalized.

A law that criminalizes the possession of unexplained wealth, described in some jurisdictions as “Illicit Enrichment”. This offence introduces a rebuttable presumption that a person who holds, or has held public office, who is, or has been, maintaining a standard of living, or is in possession of money or property significantly disproportionate to his official emoluments, is presumed to have acquired such money, property or other wealth through corruption.

A law that enables the tracing, seizure, freezing and forfeiture of the illicit earnings from corruption. Such a law should also render a contract induced by corruption both void and unenforceable, and a licence or permit obtained through corruption void; and disqualify from tendering for public contracts any person, whether natural or legal, who has been convicted of corruption.

A law that requires the regular declaration of the assets, income, liabilities and lifestyles of decision-makers and other public officials who hold positions where they transact with the public and are well-placed to extract bribes. The public must have the right and the opportunity to access such declarations, and there must be in place an effective system for independent verification and regular monitoring of the declarations.

A law to identify, and prevent or resolve, a conflict of interests. A conflict of interests will arise when the private interests of a public official clash or even coincide with the public interest and is sufficient to influence or appear to influence the exercise of official duties.

A law to enable the citizen to obtain information in the possession of the state, i.e. an access to information law. The right to know is inextricably linked to accountability.

A constitutionally entrenched Bill of Rights. A Bill of Rights based on the two international human rights covenants may enable the citizen to counter corruption from a different perspective. For instance, privileged treatment secured by an individual by the payment of a bribe to a public official is an infringement of the principle of non-discrimination.

The common law principles of administrative law. These require that a public official, when exercising a discretionary power, should, for example, pursue only the purposes for which the power has been conferred, or be without bias and observe objectivity and impartiality, considering only factors relevant to a particular case.

A strong recovery mechanism under the civil law (as distinct from the criminal law). The Heath Special Investigating Unit in South Africa demonstrated that this is very effective in dealing with the consequences of corruption. In the civil court, the burden of proof is not as demanding (“balance of probabilities” rather than “beyond a reasonable doubt”). The reach of the civil law is broader and may extend to undoing “trusts” and “gifts” in the name of, or to, family members, friends, and lawyers, where illicitly acquired assets are safely lodged; while judgments obtained in civil courts are usually enforceable in foreign jurisdictions to which assets may have been moved.

Minimizing Opportunity

Unlike many other forms of criminal activity, the benefits of corruption flow to those on both sides of the equation, the payer, and the receiver. Experience, however, demonstrates that corruption can be curbed by limiting the situations in which it can occur and by reducing the benefits to both recipient and payer (i.e., by rendering both more vulnerable to detection and sanction). Therefore, since corruption takes place where there is a meeting of opportunity and inclination, a strategy to contain corruption must address both these elements.

Opportunity can be minimized through systemic reform such as: Narrowly defining the discretionary element in decision-making. Discretionary power is a powerful source of potential corruption. The wider the discretion, the greater the opportunity for corruption. While it is unrealistic to envisage, and indeed undesirable to create, a situation where the discretionary element is altogether eliminated, it is nevertheless possible to limit the scope for abuse by providing clear, public guidelines containing objective criteria for the exercise of discretion; and by instituting a swift and appropriate appeal mechanism.

Re-designing, if not discontinuing, the mass of rules, regulations, procedures, and formalities. This is the raw material on which corrupt officials thrive. There is a direct connection between the complexity of the organization of government and the levels of corruption within it. The more steps there are to be taken and the more approvals needed before a business can be commenced or a building constructed, the greater the number of people involved and the greater the number of “gatekeepers” who are able to exact a toll from those who cannot wait or who believe it is necessary to provide sweeteners. Many rules and regulations serve no broad public purpose, and many procedures and formalities are unnecessarily complex and cumbersome.

Establishing improved, readily accessible, and transparent public procurement procedures. The opening of bids should be public, and all decisions should be fully recorded. Indeed, records should be maintained to explain and justify all decisions and actions, thereby ensuring accountability.

Privatization (the removal of state-run enterprises to the private sector). Private sector accounting methods and the need to operate on a commercially viable basis are strong incentives to adopt and implement internal anti-corruption strategies. However, there ought to be sound social, economic and political reasons for privatization, apart from the need to curb corruption, since the creation of monopoly situations through privatization may bring with it other equally abusive practices.

Administrative reforms that minimize the opportunities for corrupt practices. For example, by providing rival sources of supply, such as establishing several offices for the issue of driving licences, the monopoly power of bureaucrats could be reduced. Similarly, the problem of disappearing records in a court registry may be met by ensuring that authenticated records are supplied to the litigants as well.

The “demystification of government”. This is achieved by rendering the decision-making processes transparent by, for example, publishing a tax collector’s handbook.Protection for Whistleblowers. “Whistleblowing” is the act of reporting to an authority an illegal conduct, a violation of professional ethics, or an act which endangers public health or safety. Whistleblowers serve the interests of society by encouraging lawful behaviour and public accountability and, therefore, need to be protected from victimization.

A meritocratic civil service. A civil service recruited on the basis of merit, adequately remunerated, and assured of career advancement solely on the basis of merit, is, of course, a sine qua non for minimizing the opportunities for corruption.

Reducing Inclination

To reduce the inclination to engage in a corrupt transaction, it is necessary to strengthen the processes by which corruption is intended to be curbed. These processes constitute the integrity system of a country. It is the national integrity system that delivers the checks and balances and the accountability factor that are critical to any efforts to contain corruption. The “pillars” that support a country’s integrity system include an elected legislature; an independent, impartial and informed judiciary; a free media; an independent prosecuting agency; an Auditor-General with responsibility for auditing government income and expenditure; an Ombudsman who receives and investigates allegations of maladministration; and an independent commission against corruption charged with the implementation of anti-corruption legislation. These pillars are interdependent. If one pillar weakens, an increased load is placed on the others. If several weaken, their load will tilt, and the integrity system may collapse altogether.

Conclusion

For an anti-corruption strategy to succeed in the contemporary context, it should begin with an immediate focus on the re-shaping of attitudes, not only of the people whose comfortable co-existence with corruption was rudely shaken by the recent financial crisis, but also of their political leaders. A genuine political commitment and determination to combat corruption is essential. As the section of society that bears the brunt of corruption on a daily basis, civil society is best placed to reverse the public apathy and tolerance of corruption. If ordinary people expect to pay bribes and are accustomed to dealing with the State through payoffs, a radical change in attitudes will be necessary before any anti-corruption strategy can get off the ground. The third partner in the coalition is the private corporate sector. The most compelling reason for it to be involved is self-interest: neither customer confidence nor their good reputations prevail against a rival who has bribed the decision-maker.

The emphasis of an anti-corruption strategy should also be on reforming systems, not indulging in “witch-hunts”. It is important to define the most promising areas and to focus on them. Initial success in one area will lend credibility to the reform process. It is often suggested that the key to change is the “frying of big fish”. Since it is wholly unrealistic to expect a government to make a sacrificial offering of its own “big fish”, the “biggest fish” available for frying will invariably be from the opposition. Indeed, a pre-occupation with prosecutions and inquiries into the present or the past will detract from the urgency of an anti-corruption strategy that involves legal and institutional change. It often makes sense to wipe the slate clean and look forward into the future rather than remain focused on the past.

Dr. Nihal Jayawickrama, as a Consultant to the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, participated in the drafting of UNCAC and later prepared the Implementation Guide and Evaluative Framework for Article 11 relating to the Judiciary and the Prosecution Service.

All News Advertisement

Features

Concept of living wage and cost of living

Published

3 hours ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) now defines a living wage as the wage level necessary for workers and their families to afford a decent standard of living, given national circumstances, for normal hours of work. This standard of living is operationalised through the cost of essential goods and services, typically including food, housing, healthcare, education, transport, and a modest allowance for contingencies and social participation.

In contrast, “cost of living” in economics is a broader price index concept that tracks the overall prices of a representative consumption basket but is not inherently normative about what constitutes decency or dignity.

Living wage methodologies effectively translate a cost-of-living basket, specified for a given family size and living standard, into a monthly income requirement for workers, thereby linking real wages to human development objectives rather than only to market productivity.

Methodologies for computing a living wage

Most contemporary living wage estimates follow a structured “cost of a basic but decent life” approach built around three steps: defining a reference family, costing a normative consumption basket, and converting that cost into a wage per worker.

The Anker methodology, widely used in global supply chains and in Sri Lanka, is a leading example: it defines a model family (e.g., 2 adults and approximately 2–3 children), estimates the cost of a low-cost nutritious diet, adequate housing, and non-food essentials, and then allocates that cost over expected number of full-time workers per family.

Within the Anker framework, the food component is based on locally appropriate diets meeting caloric and nutritional norms, priced using local market surveys and adjusted for waste and home preparation.

Housing costs are derived from standards for minimally acceptable housing (e.g., durable materials, sufficient space, basic services), using rents or imputed rental values from empirical fieldwork. Other essential expenditures, health, education, transport, clothing, and a small margin for unexpected events, are typically estimated as a percentage mark-up over food and housing costs, derived from national household survey data.

Finally, the methodology sets a reference number of workers per family, divides total family living costs by this number to get a net living wage, and then adjusts to a gross living wage by adding payroll taxes and mandatory deductions. Periodic updates are made using consumer price indices (CPIs) to reflect inflation or deflation and, where necessary, new field surveys to capture structural shifts in prices and consumption patterns.

Sri Lanka’s living wage estimates and their link to cost of living (Anker Methodology)

Sri Lanka has been the subject of several living wage studies, notably for the tea estate sector and for urban and rural areas, using the Anker methodology.

In the tea estate sector, an updated 2024 Anker report estimates the cost of a “basic but decent” standard of living for a typical family at about LKR 78,067 per month (approximately USD 260), implying a gross living wage of LKR 48,584 per month (USD 160) and a net, take-home living wage of LKR 44,357.

For urban Sri Lanka, the Anker Living Wage Reference Value was originally set at LKR 84,231 per month in April 2022, corresponding to a net living wage of LKR 77,492 plus social security contributions. After cumulative inflation of about 36.9 percent between April 2022 and June 2025, the updated gross urban living wage is estimated at approximately LKR 115,291 per month (around USD 385), consisting of a net living wage of LKR 106,068 and social security contributions of LKR 9,223

These Sri Lankan figures are explicitly derived from cost-of-living calculations: they incorporate the cost of food, housing, utilities, health, education, and other essentials at local prices and then convert these into wages per adult worker, assuming roughly 1.7–1.8 full-time earners per family. Because living wage estimates are indexed to actual price dynamics, periods of high inflation, as Sri Lanka experienced in 2022–2023, translate almost mechanically into sharp upward revisions in living wages, underlining the tight coupling between living wage levels and the evolving cost of living.

Comparative living wages: Sri Lanka and other countries

Cross-country comparisons require careful normalisation because living wages reflect local prices, family structures, and social norms, but several datasets provide a structured basis for comparison. [asia.floorwage](https://asia.floorwage.org/living-wage/calculating-a-living-wage/)

The Asia Floor Wage Alliance, for example, publishes a regional living wage benchmark expressed in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, with a 2024 benchmark of 1,750.54 PPP dollars per month converted into local currencies using country-specific PPP exchange rates.

Using this PPP-based approach, the 2024 living wage equivalent for Sri Lanka is estimated at around LKR 158,353 per month, assuming a PPP exchange rate of about 90.5 Sri Lankan rupees per PPP dollar.

This PPP-normalised figure is substantially higher than the Anker 2024–2025 estate-sector and urban living wage estimates in nominal rupees, partly because the Asia Floor Wage benchmark is set to ensure a more harmonised standard across Asian garment-producing economies and uses a single PPP wage target.

These figures indicate that, within this PPP-based framework, Sri Lanka’s living wage in local currency is relatively high compared to countries such as India and Bangladesh, but the comparison reflects both different PPP exchange rates and domestic price structures.

From a cost-of-living perspective, this pattern is consistent with Sri Lanka being a lower-middle-income country with relatively higher prices for some essentials compared with low-income South Asian economies, especially after recent macroeconomic and inflationary shocks.

Global patterns and high-income economies

Global datasets covering more than 200 countries show that typical-family living wage levels, whether calculated in PPP or nominal terms, tend to correlate positively with national income levels, with North America, Western Europe, and Australia displaying the highest living wage values.

In this global distribution, living wages in middle- and low-income regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are lower in absolute terms, though the ratio of living wage to median wages or statutory minimum wages can be high, underscoring the gap between decent-work standards and prevailing labour market outcomes.

Interestingly, some studies note that rural living wage estimates can be relatively high in poorer countries because limited infrastructure and service availability raise the cost of accessing a given standard of living, such as safe water, transport, and education.

For Sri Lanka, rural Anker living wage benchmarks similarly reveal the importance of non-food costs, such as transportation to schools, health facilities, and workplaces, in shaping the total family budget, despite lower nominal rents in many rural areas.

Living wage, social policy, and Sri Lanka’s development trajectory

The emerging international consensus around a living wage is rooted in the human rights-based notion of a “decent life” rather than a subsistence minimum or an arbitrarily set statutory floor.

From a social science perspective, incorporating living wage benchmarks into wage-setting institutions, collective bargaining, and social dialogue reorients labour markets toward social reproduction, intergenerational mobility, and social cohesion, rather than merely cost competitiveness.

For Sri Lanka, where recent crises have eroded real wages and increased household vulnerability, living wage estimates such as the Anker urban and estate-sector benchmarks provide an analytically rigorous yardstick for evaluating whether current wage policies and social transfers are adequate relative to the actual cost of a basic but decent life.

Comparisons with regional PPP-based benchmarks like the Asia Floor Wage suggest that, while Sri Lanka’s living wage requirement in local currency is relatively high, the country also faces significant affordability challenges, especially for low-paid workers in export sectors and informal employment, whose earnings often fall short of these normative thresholds.

In policy terms, the living wage framework highlights the need for coordinated approaches that combine wage-setting reforms, inflation-sensitive social protection, and productivity-enhancing investments, so that rising living-cost-consistent wages do not simply translate into inflationary spirals or employment losses.

For empirical research in Sri Lanka, these benchmarks open avenues for micro-level analysis of wage gaps, household coping strategies, gendered labour outcomes, and the distributional effects of macroeconomic adjustment, all anchored to a transparent and internationally recognised living wage methodology.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

Features

Buddhist philosophy and the path to lasting peace

Published

3 hours ago

2026/04/29

Sahan Weerasooriya

Echoes of ‘The Walk for Peace’

The international Walk for Peace’ reaching Colombo, joined by a large number of monks and devotees, led by spiritual leader Ven Bhikku Pannakara, with the peace dog ‘Aloka,’ completing the 161 km journey.The walk commenced in Dambulla on April 22 following the main ceremony at the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura.Pic by Nishan S.Priyantha

by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Nayaka Thero
Chief Incumbent, Gangaramaya Temple, Hunupitiya, Colombo

Throughout human history, one of the greatest and most complex challenges has been the establishment of lasting peace and the maintenance of harmonious coexistence. While peace is often understood simply as the absence of war or armed conflict, a deeper, spiritual perspective reveals it as a profound state of social and mental harmony. It is an ideal that must be cultivated within individuals as well as across societies.

Buddhism offers one of the most practical and timeless philosophies of peace. The teachings of the Buddha are rooted in non-violence and the four sublime virtues—loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. Central to this philosophy is the idea that true peace in the world begins with inner peace within the individual. Conflict, the Buddha taught, arises not on battlefields but within the human mind, driven by greed, hatred, and delusion. Without overcoming these negative forces, lasting peace in the external world remains unattainable.

In today’s world, marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, and social unrest—this inward approach to peace is more relevant than ever. Despite technological advancement, humanity continues to grapple with violence and division. The Buddha’s teaching points instead to an internal struggle: a battle against anger, jealousy, and ignorance. Rather than weapons of destruction, Buddhism promotes wisdom, compassion, patience, and discipline as the tools to overcome conflict.

The path to peace begins with understanding its causes. Just as muddy water becomes clear when left undisturbed, the human mind achieves clarity and calm when negative emotions are subdued. This principle is reflected in the Buddha’s intervention during a historic dispute between the Sakya and Koliya clans over water, where he reminded them of the greater value of human life, thereby preventing bloodshed.

In a world increasingly threatened by conflict over limited resources and political power, such lessons remain highly relevant. The Buddha also emphasised the principle of moral causation—actions have consequences.

Yadisaṃ vapate bijaṃ tadisaṃ harate phalaṃ
Kalyaāṇakariī kalyaṃ papakariī ca papakaṃ
Pavutthaṃ tata te bijaṃ phalaṃ paccanubhossasiti

“As one sows the seed, so does one reap the fruit.

The doer of good receives good results, and the doer of evil receives evil results.

Dear one, whatever seed you have planted, you will experience the corresponding fruit of it.”

At the heart of Buddhist ethics is respect for life. All beings fear harm and seek happiness, and therefore, violence against others cannot lead to true well-being. This message is particularly significant in an era where the race for power and advanced weaponry continues to overshadow compassion and humanity.

The fundamental moral discipline in Buddhism is respect for life and opposition to harming living beings. The Buddha taught that all beings desire happiness, and fear suffering, and that harming others will not lead to happiness.

Sabbe tasanti dandassa
sabbe bhayanti maccuno
attanam upamam katva
na haneyya na ghataye.

“All tremble at violence; all fear death. Comparing others with oneself, one should neither kill nor cause others to kill.”

Despite technological advancement, the world appears to be moving backwards in terms of compassion and peace. Power-driven politics and the race for advanced weaponry cannot provide lasting solutions. Global leaders, diplomats, and policymakers must urgently recognise the importance of the tolerant, balanced, and non-violent approach taught in Buddhism. Protecting the right to life of all beings, and acting with compassion beyond divisions of race, religion, or politics, is the only true foundation for world peace.

Sri Lanka, as a nation nourished by the essence of Buddhism, has long upheld this principle. The Sri Lankan tradition, rooted in boundless loving-kindness and compassion, strives to uphold human values even amidst the harsh realities of global politics. From the respect shown by King Dutugemunu towards King Elara, to Sri Lanka’s stance at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference invoking the words “Hatred is never appeased by hatred,” to recent humanitarian acts in rescuing sailors in distress—these all reflect a single philosophy: valuing human life above all divisions.

The presentation of a “Joint Declaration for Peace” by the Mahanayake Theros at Gangaramaya Temple recently reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to global peace. Despite global power struggles, Sri Lanka continues to stand as a symbol of compassion and peace, reminding the world that human kindness is more powerful than weapons.

Institutions such as the Gangaramaya Temple have played a vital role in fostering social harmony. Through charitable, educational, and cultural programmes, the temple has encouraged unity across religious and ethnic lines, while also promoting interfaith dialogue and cooperation.

The annual Navam Maha Perahera, organised by the temple, stands as a powerful symbol of national unity, bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a shared celebration. Similarly, vocational training and educational initiatives have helped empower young people from all communities, strengthening social cohesion.

A recent “Walk for Peace,” led by Venerable Pannakara Thero and supported by the monastic community, further underscored this commitment. More than a physical journey, it represented a spiritual effort to cultivate peace within the human heart and spread a message of compassion to the wider world.

One of the most touching aspects of the event was the participation of a dog named “Aloka,” which accompanied the monks throughout the journey. This simple yet powerful image reflected the Buddhist teaching that all living beings value life and deserve compassion, highlighting the universal nature of peace.

Ultimately, the Buddha’s message remains clear: peace cannot be achieved through hatred or violence. True peace arises from self-discipline, moral conduct, and the cultivation of a pure mind. As the teaching states, avoiding evil, doing good, and purifying one’s mind is the path laid down by the Buddha.

Let us plant the seeds of peace within our hearts and nurture them with loving-kindness. (“Sabba papassa akarananṃ – kusalassa upasampadā – sacitta pariyodapanaṃ – etaṃ Buddhana sasanaṃ”)

In a time when global tensions continue to rise, this timeless message serves as a powerful reminder that lasting peace begins within each individual—and that compassion remains humanity’s greatest strength.

“Devo vassatu kalena – sassa sampatti hetu ca
Pito bhavatu loko ca – rajaā bhavatu dhammiko”

(“May the rains fall at the right time, bringing about abundant harvests.

May the world be joyful and prosperous.

May the ruler be righteous and just.”)

Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

Published

1 day ago

2026/04/28

Sahan Weerasooriya

Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera