Features
The 1977 election and the J R Jayewardene Presidency
Evolving ethnic conflict and emerging Indian factor
The general elections of 1977, which Sirimavo Bandaranaike had called, on July 21 saw another of those dramatic swings of the political pendulum, which had characterized Sri Lanka’s political history since independence. It saw the governing party, the SLFP, reduced from 91 to eight seats. The UNP, which while in opposition between 1970-77 had only 17 seats, won 140 seats in this election. It secured a 5/6th majority in the House, at the time a record for any parliamentary democracy in the world.
The result of the 1977 polls, was interpreted by J R and most people as an indictment of the electorate’s disenchantment at the ‘statist’ policies of the United Front government. Moreover, the extension of the life of Parliament by two years, from 1975 to 1977, and the more or less continuous emergency under which the country had been ruled, had turned the majority of people against the United Front government. The left partners, the LSSP and the CP, had moved out of government at the closing stages.
Many urgent tasks awaited J R Jayewardene. Foremost in his thinking was the economy which had to be freed of the controls which had constrained it. Space had to be found for the private sector to revive and grow. The infrastructure of roads, ports, irrigation and power, on which future development was to rest had to be rehabilitated. J R planned and launched some massive development works, the centerpiece of which was the Mahaweli ganga accelerated programme of integrated irrigation and power development.
It literally changed the face of central Sri Lanka. His principal colleagues in this surge of development were Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali in irrigation and port development respectively, and Premadasa to whom he entrusted a wide programme of rural housing and urban renewal and rehabilitation.
But the infusion of a new dynamism in directing this major policy shift from a controlled to an open economy needed, in J R’s view, the reform of the 1972 Constitution. The huge majority which the government had secured, guaranteed that these far-reaching structural changes could be effected. A series of amendments to the existing Constitution, pushed through in 1977 and 1978 itself (with the help of the more than 2/3rd parliamentary majority J R had secured), saw the Westminster system of prime ministerial government radically altered. The president’s role became preeminent with the executive being endowed with enormous power.
The critics called it Bonapartism’ looking at the concentration of power in the hands of the president. The president was henceforth to be head of state and head of government combining both the `dignified’ and ‘efficient’ aspects of state leadership. The prime minister’s role was henceforth to be no more than that of a minister. Executive power was to be exercised by the president. He could choose his Cabinet from among the members of parliament.
The reforms also brought in proportional representation in the election of members of parliament, in place of the first-past-the-post system which had prevailed since independence. Proportional representation not only eliminated the possibility of massive swings at the elections, but also locked in the 1978 constitution into an almost impossible-to-change situation because of the difficulty of ever again obtaining a two-third majority in Parliament.
Attempts at Resolving the Ethnic Question – The District Development Councils of 1980
J R soon came up with a proposal for limited decision making at the level of the district based on the experience of the District Political Authority and the District Minister System. This was the development councils’ idea which was more an attempt at democratizing decentralized power rather than the devolution of power. The final form of the Act which came out of the work of a commission headed by Victor Tennekoon, a former Chief Justice gave limited powers to the councils approximating those carried out by village councils and town councils. So it was not much but at least provided members of parliament with some local means of funding and power in local development.
J R chose me along with a few secretaries to assist in the work of identifying work which could be assigned to the development councils. I was amazed at how little of their vast powers the ministers of the government were prepared to ‘surrender’ to the councils. And much of what was given could of course be yet taken back because the councils would be chaired by the district minister who were all government members of parliament.
Although the council’s powers were extremely limited the TULF was prepared to make it work. However the experience of the DDC elections in Jaffna scheduled to be held in June 1981 but extensively flawed as a result of the exertions of some prominent UNP ministers, and the subsequent burning of the Jaffna Library by reportedly the police, did not augur well for the success of this initiative.The moderates in the TULF had to give in to the young extremist militants in the wings and the downward spiral of events which culminated in the violence of 1983 became unstoppable.
The Indian Factor and the Response of J R Jayewardene
India’s involvement especially between 1980 and 1989 in the Sri Lankan ethnic issue was precipitated, I think, directly by the 1983 happenings. Although I was not in the country at the time and was in London for five years, from 1984 to 1989, I always had the feeling that India would involve itself more and more in Sri Lankan affairs as the conflict with the Tamil militant groups intensified. During the violence of 1983 itself, while I was handling Essential Services, there was constant concern being expressed by both the Indian High Commission in Colombo, and the official visitors from India on the state of affairs relating to the Tamil community.
The refugee camps and welfare centers were under my charge, and I recall in particular in 1983, the visit of G Parathasarathy – one of Indira Gandhi’s closest advisors – who wanted to see me in regard to the conditions of the Welfare Centers. I spent two days with him going around the camps and listening with him to the tirade of complaints of their sufferings during the July riots and their lack of hope about the future. At a meeting with the Indian High Commissioner, Parathasarathy expressed his deep concern at the unsatisfactory situation and referred to India needing to concern itself of the plight of Tamil people in Sri Lanka.
This led the Indira Gandhi administration to deliberately build up the strength of the Tamil militants by training and supplying arms in order that they, the militants, could withstand any more attacks against them by either odd, lawless groups like in 1993 or by agencies of the state itself. References made from time to time in books on India’s involvement in Sri Lanka by Indian authors or in the Indian media would make us believe that many of these efforts were orchestrated by RAW – the Research and Analysis Wing of the Indian intelligence services, which apparently operated close to the prime minister’s office.
Looked at from the Tamil side one could come to the conclusion that the strategy paid off. It is indeed curious that, although since 1983 there had been several incidents where the loss on the government side has been far greater than the 13 soldiers ambushed at Thinnaveli in July 1983 (which precipitated the riots), there have been virtually no retaliatory attacks on Tamil civilians in Colombo or in the other Sinhala majority areas since then.
Colombo was attacked several times by the LTTE since 1995, in particular – the bombing of the Galadari Hotel, the attack on the Central Bank, the armed incursion into the Oil Installations at Kolonnawa, and even the attempt at ramming a lorry into the Dalada Maligawa in Kandy and there was never a backlash by the Sinhalese against the Tamil civilian population in Colombo. The popular explanation to this is that those who may have perpetuated such action have now become older and wiser and therefore desisted from carrying out such tit-for-tat operations. Of course another explanation would be that the existence of a potentially effective `from the Tamil point of view’ further counter-strike by LTTE forces might also be a reason for deterring such vigilante groups from contemplating any such action.
The Monarchical Tradition
J R Jayewardene liked to trace his origins back 300 years to a family known as the Tudugala’s. To the name Tudugala was added the name Wijewardene on the conferment of a British honour, at the beginning of the 20th century. J R’s interest in history and lineage was pervasive. When he became the first executive president of Sri Lanka in 1978, he used to take pride in saying that he was the last in the line of rulers of the island in an unbroken succession dating back over 2500 years!
When J R was minister of state in the Dudley Senanayake Government of 1965-70, a former Government Archivist, H O Paulusz was requested to publish a book on the Tudugala family’. This contains an interesting history of J R’s mother’s ancestors.
The Tudugala saga goes back to the 17th century when two brothers, Tennekoon Mudiyanse and Tennekoon Madummaralla, both great-grandsons of Prince Vidiya Bandara distinguished themselves as generals in King Rajasinghe II’s army. But that success also led, as in many other instances in Rajasinghe’s time, to their downfall.
Tennekoon Mudiyanse was driven into exile and his brother imprisoned and probably executed. Madummaralla’s son, Tennekoon Appuhamy, who was the Disawa of Sabaragamuwa, was also executed by the King in 1766. However, his wife and children, who were residing then in the Dutch Provinces, prospered and the family history was traced through the Dutch records and land tombus, a register containing particulars regarding land ownership established during Dutch rule.
There are records of Don Philip Tudugala who was born in 1804 in the village of Tudugala near Kalutara. Don Philip, who was the founder of the modern branch of the family came to live in Colombo in the village of Sedawatte on the banks of the Kelani ganga. He soon became one of the richest Sinhalese merchants of the time.
It was building boom time in the city of Colombo, after the construction of the harbour breakwater and Don Peter Tudugala prospered from the city’s development, supplying timber, sand and bricks which came down the Kelani ganga to Sedawatte. He invested his income in real estate and took on the name of Wijewardene, when conferred with an honour by the British government.
Don Philip left seven sons and two daughters. Among these were DC and DR; DC, the author of the Revolt in the Temple, DR (Don Richard), the founder of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd. (Lake House).The others achieved distinction in commerce and other professions.
His eldest daughter married a Jayewardene, who became a Justice. J R ( Junius Richard) was his son. Helena Dep Weerasinghe, the widow of Don Philip Tudugala and J R’s grandmother, was the benefactor of the ancient vihare, the Rajamaha Vihare of Kelaniya. The influence of the family was paramount in the area, and when J R got interested in politics, it was only natural that he chose Kelaniya as his constituency.
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar by Bradman Weerakoon)
Features
NASA’s Epic Flight, Trump’s Epic Fumble and Asian Dilemmas
Three hours after the spectacular Artemis II flight launch in Florida, US President Donald Trump delivered a forlorn speech from Washington. Thirty three days after starting the war against Iran as Epic Fury, the President demonstrated on national and global televisions the Epic Fumble he has made out of his Middle East ‘excursion’. It was an April Fool’s Day speech, 20 minutes of incoherent rambling with the President looking bored, confused, disengaged and dispirited. He left no one wiser about what will come next, let alone what he might do next.
There was more to April Fool’s Day this year in that it brought out the nation’s good, bad and the ugly, all in a day’s swoop. The good was the Artemis II flight carrying astronauts farther from the Earth’s orbit and closer to the moon for the first time in over 50 years. The mission is a precursor for future flights and will test the performance of a new spacecraft, gather new understanding of human conditioning, and extend the boundaries of lunar science. It is a testament to humankind being able to make steady progress in science and technology at one end of a hopelessly uneven world, while poverty, bigotry and belligerence simmer violently at the other end.
Terrible Trump
The four Artemis II astronauts, three Americans, Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and one Canadian, Jeremy Hansen, are also symptomatic of the endurance of America’s inclusive goodness in spite of efforts by the Trump Administration to snuff the nation’s fledgling DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) ethos. To wit, of the four astronauts, Victor Glover, a Caribbean American, is the first person of colour, Christina Koch the first woman, and Jeremy Hansen of Canada the first non-American – to fly this far beyond the earth’s orbit. All in spite of Trump’s watch.
Yet Trump managed to showcase his commitment to America’s ugliness, on the same day, by presenting himself at the Supreme Court hearing on the constitutionality of his most abominable Executive Order – to stop the American tradition of birthright citizenship. He keeps posting that America is Stupid in being the only country in the world that grants citizenship at birth to everyone born in America, regardless of the status of their parents, except the children of foreign diplomats or members of an occupying enemy force. In fact, there are 32 other countries in the world that grant birthright citizenship, a majority of them in the Americas indicating the continent’s history as a magnet for migrants ever since Christopher Columbus discovered it for the rest of the world.
And birthright citizenship in the US is enshrined in the constitution by the 14th Amendment, supplemented by subsequent legislation and reinforced by a century and a half of case law. Trump wants to reverse that. Thus far and no further was the message from the court at the hearing. A decision is expected in June and the legal betting is whether it would be a 7-2 or 8-1 rebuke for Trump. In a telling exchange during the hearing, when the government’s Solicitor General John Sauer quite sillily dramatized that “we’re in new world now … where eight billion people are one plane ride way from having a child who’s a US citizen,” Chief Justice John Roberts quietly dismissed him: “Well, it’s a new world. It’s the same Constitution!”
Trump’s terrible ‘bad’ is of course the war that he started in the Middle East and doesn’t know how to end it. Margaret MacMillan, acclaimed World War I historian and a great grand daughter of World War I British Prime Minister Lloyd George from Wales, has compared Trump’s current war to the origins of the First World War. Just as in 1914, small Serbia had pulled the bigger Russia into a war that was not in Russia’s interest, so too have Netanyahu and Israel have pulled Trump and America into the current war against Iran. World War I that started in August, 2014 was expected to be over before Christmas, but it went on till November, 2018. Weak leaders start wars, says MacMillan, but “they don’t have a clear idea of how they are going to end.”
There are also geopolitical and national-political differences between the 1910s and 2020s. America’s traditional allies have steadfastly refused to join Trump’s war. And Trump is under immense pressure at home not to extend the war. This is one American war that has been unpopular from day one. The cost of military operations at as high as two billion dollars a day is anathema to the people who are aggravated by rising prices directly because of the war. Trump’s own mental acuity and the abilities of his cabinet Secretaries are openly under question. There are swirling allegations of military contract profiteering and selective defense investments – one involving Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.
Trump’s Administration is coming apart with sharp internal divisions over the war and government paralysis on domestic matters. There are growing signs of disarray – with Trump firing his Attorney General for not being effective prosecuting his political enemies and Secretary Hegseth ordering early retirement for Army Chief of Staff Randy George. In America’s non-parliamentary presidential system, Trump is allowed to run his own forum where he lies daily without instant challenger or contradiction, and it is impossible to get rid of his government by that simple device called no confidence motion.
Asian Dilemmas
Howsoever the current will last or end, what is clear is that its economic consequences are not going to disappear soon. Iran’s choke on the Strait of Hormuz has affected not only the supply and prices of oil and natural gas but a family of other products from fertilizers to medicines to semiconductors. The barrel price of oil has risen from $70 before the war to over $100 now. After Trump’s speech on April 1, oil prices rose and stock prices fell. The higher prices have come to stay and even if they start going down they are not likely to go down to prewar levels.
There are warnings that with high prices, low growth and unemployment, the global economy is believed to be in for a stagflation shock like in the 1970s. Even if the war were to end sooner than a lot later, the economic setbacks will not be reversed easily or quickly. Supplies alone will take time to get back into routine, and it will even take longer time for production in the Gulf countries to get back to speed. Not only imports, but even export trading and exports to Middle East countries will be impacted. The future of South Asians employed in the Middle East is also at stake.
In 1980, President Carter floated the Carter Doctrine that the US would use military force to ensure the free flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump is now upending that doctrine – first by misusing America’s military force against Iran and provoking the strait’s closure, and then claiming that keeping the strait open is not America’s business. Ever selfish and transactional, Trump’s argument is that America is now a net exporter of oil and is no longer dependent on Middle East oil.
To fill in the void, and perhaps responding to Trump’s call to “build up some delayed courage,” UK has hosted a virtual meeting of about 40 countries to discuss modalities for reopening the Strait of Hormuz. US was not one of them. While Downing Street has not released a full list of attendees, European countries, some Gulf countries, Canada, Australia, Japan and India reportedly attended the meeting. Which other Asian countries attended the meeting is not known.
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has blamed Iran for “hijacking” an international shipping route to “hold the global economy hostage,” while insisting that the British initiative is “not based on any other country’s priority or anything in terms of the US or other countries”. French President Emmanuel Macron now visiting South Korea has emphasized any resolution “can only be done in concert with Iran. So, first and foremost, there must be a ceasefire and a resumption of negotiations.”
Prior to the British initiative focussed on the Strait of Hormuz, Egypt, Pakistan and Türkiye have been playing a backdoor intermediary role to facilitate communications between the US and Iran. Trump as usual magnified this backroom channel as serious talks initiated by Iran’s ‘new regime’, and Trump’s claims were promptly rejected by Iran. There were speculations that Pakistan would host a direct meeting between US Vice President JD Vance and an Iranian representative in Islamabad. So far, only the foreign ministers of Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have met in Islamabad, and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar flew to Beijing to brief his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, of Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts.
The Beijing visit produced a five-point initiative calling for a ceasefire, the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and diplomacy instead of escalation. The five-point pathway seems a follow up to the 15-point demand that the US sent to Iran through the three Samaritan intermediaries which Iran rejected as they did not include any of Iran’s priorities. The state of these mediating efforts are now unclear after President Trump’s April Fool’s Day rambling. In fairness, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that his country intends to keep ‘nudging’ the US and Iran towards resuming negotiations and ending the war.
While these efforts are welcome and deserve everyone’s best wishes, they have also led to what BBC has called the “chatter in Delhi” – “is India being sidelined” by Pakistan’s intermediary efforts? Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s rather undiplomatic characterization of Pakistan’s role as “dalali” (brokerage) provoked immediate denunciation in Islamabad, while Indian opposition parties are blaming the Modi Government’s foreign policy stances as an “embarrassment” to India’s stature.
The larger view is that while it is Asia that is most impacted by the closure of Hormuz, with Singapore’s Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan calling it an “Asian crisis”, Asia has no leverage in the matter and Asian countries have to make special arrangements with Iran to let their ships navigate through the Strait of Hormuz. There is no pathway for co-ordinated action. China is still significant but not consequentially effective. India’s all-alignment foreign policy has made it less significant and more vulnerable in the current crisis. And Pakistan has opened a third dimension to Asia’s dilemmas.
In the circumstances, it is fair to say that Sri Lanka is the most politically stable country among its South Asian neighbours. Put another way, Sri Lanka has a remarkably consensual and uncontentious government in comparison to the old governments in India and Pakistan, and even the new government in Bangladesh. But that may not be saying much unless the NPP government proves itself to be sufficiently competent, and uses the political stability and the general goodwill it is still enjoying, to put the country’s economic department in order. More on that later.
by Rajan Philips
Features
Ranjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection
From Parliament to Fruit Grove:
After more than two decades in politics, rising to the positions of Cabinet Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya has turned his attention to a markedly different arena — one far removed from parliamentary debate and political intrigue.
Today, Siyambalapitiya spends much of his time tending to a sprawling 15-acre home garden at Vendala in Karawanella, near Ruwanwella, nurturing what has gradually evolved into one of the most remarkable private fruit collections in the country.
Situated in Sri Lanka’s Wet Zone Low Country agro-ecological region (WL2), Ruwanwella lies at an elevation of roughly 100–200 metres above sea level. Deep red-yellow podzolic soils, annual rainfall exceeding 2,500 millimetres, and a warm humid tropical climate combine to create conditions that make the region one of the richest areas in the island for fruit tree diversity.
Within this favourable ecological setting, Siyambalapitiya has become what may best be described as a custodian of a living collection—a fruit grove that now contains around 554 fruit trees and vines, many of them rare or seldom seen in contemporary agriculture.
Of these, 448 varieties have already been properly identified and documented with the assistance of agriculturist Dr. Suba Heenkenda, a retired expert of the Department of Agriculture. Together they have undertaken the painstaking task of cataloguing the plants by their botanical names, common Sinhala names, and the names used in ancient Ayurvedic and indigenous medical texts, assigning each species a unique identification number.
According to Siyambalapitiya, the Vendala estate is possibly the only single location in Sri Lanka where such a large number of fruit varieties—particularly rare and underutilized species—are maintained within one property.
“This garden came down to me through my grandfather, grandmother, mother and father,” he says. “It is a place shaped by three generations.”
The estate, he explains, began as a traditional home garden where crops such as tea, coconut and rubber were cultivated alongside fruit trees planted by family members over decades. Over time, however, it evolved into something much larger: a carefully nurtured grove preserving both common and obscure fruit species.
Siyambalapitiya recalls with affection one of the oldest trees in the garden—a honey-jack tree known locally as “Lokumänike’s Rata Kos Gaha.”
The story behind it has become part of family lore. According to village elders, his grandmother had brought home the sapling after visiting the Colombo Grand Exhibition in 1952 many decades ago and planted it near the house.
The tree soon gained fame in the village. Its tender jackfruit proved ideal for curry and mallum, while the ripe fruit was renowned for its sweetness.
“Ripe jackfruit from this tree tastes like honey itself,” Siyambalapitiya says. “Even the seeds are full of flour and can be eaten throughout the year.”
Yet age has not spared the venerable tree. It now shows signs of disease, and Siyambalapitiya and his staff have had to treat old wounds and monitor unusual bark damage.
“Once lightning struck it,” he recalls. “The largest branch began to die. Saving the tree required what I would call a kind of surgical operation.”
Such care, he says, reflects the deep attachment he feels toward the collection.
His fascination with fruit trees began in childhood. While attending Royal College in Colombo and living in a boarding house he disliked, Siyambalapitiya would insist that the family procure new fruit saplings for him to plant during his weekend visits home.
“That was the only ‘price’ I demanded for going to school,” he laughs.
Over the years the collection expanded steadily as he encountered new plants in forests, nurseries, and rural landscapes across the island.
The result today is a grove that includes traditional Sri Lankan fruit species, underutilized native varieties, forest fruits, and plants introduced from overseas.
Some species originate in Arabian deserts, while others thrive naturally in cooler climates such as Europe. Certain plants require greenhouse-like conditions, while others are hardy forest trees.
Managing such diversity is no easy task.
“One plant asks for rain, another asks for cold, and yet another prefers heat,” Siyambalapitiya explains. “Too much rain makes some sick, too much sun troubles others. The older trees overshadow the younger ones. You cannot feed or medicate them all in the same way.”
He compares the task to caring for a household filled with people from many nations and ages—each with different needs.
Despite the challenges, he believes the effort is worthwhile, particularly because many of the trees are native species that have become increasingly rare.
“If things continue as they are, some of these plants may disappear from our lives,” he warns.
To preserve knowledge about them, Siyambalapitiya is preparing to launch a book titled “Mage Vendala Palathuru Arana” (My Vendala Fruit Grove), which serves as an introductory guide to the collection.
The book, scheduled for release on April 18 at the Vendala estate, will be attended by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Thera, Chief Incumbent of Gangaramaya Temple,
Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, the leader of the Indigenous Vedda Community,
a long-serving former employee who helped maintain the plantation, and Sunday Dhamma school students from the region, who will participate as guests of honour.
The publication will also mark Siyambalapitiya’s eighth book. Previously he authored seven works and wrote more than 500 weekly newspaper columns offering commentary on politics and current affairs.
While working on the fruit catalogue, he is simultaneously writing another volume reflecting on his 25-year political career, including his tenure as Deputy Finance Minister during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.
For Siyambalapitiya, however, the fruit grove represents more than a hobby or academic exercise.
“The fruit we enjoy is the result of a tree’s effort to reproduce,” he says. “Nature has given fruits their taste, fragrance and colour to attract us. All the tree asks in return is that its seeds be carried to new places.”
That simple cycle of life, he believes, has continued for tens of thousands of years.
“And those who love trees,” he adds, “are guardians of the world’s survival.”
by Saman Indrajith
Pix by Tharanga Ratnaweera
- Four workers in charge of the four zones of the plantation
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
- A foreign berry plant
- A Bakumba plant
- A rare jackfruit tree
- Siyambalapitiya pruning Pumkin Lemon plant
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
Features
Smoke Free Sweden calls out to WHO not to suggest nicotine alternatives
It has been reported by the international advocacy initiative, ‘Smoke Free Sweden’ (‘SFS’) that many International health experts have begun criticizing the World Health Organization (WHO) for presenting safer nicotine alternatives rather than recognizing its role in accelerating decline in smoking.
As the world’s premier technical health agency, the WHO is empowered to support strategies that reduce morbidity and mortality even if they do not eliminate the underlying behaviour. Furthermore, it should base its guidance on evolving scientific knowledge, which includes comparative-risk assessments. Equating smoke-free nicotine alternatives with combustible cigarettes, is essentially putting lives at risk, according to the health experts contacted by SFS.
The warning follows recent WHO comments suggesting that vaping and other non-combustible nicotine products are driving tobacco use in Europe. This narrative ignores real-world evidence from countries like Sweden where access to safer alternatives has coincided with record low smoking rates.
A “Smoke-Free” status is defined as an adult daily smoking prevalence below 5% and Sweden is on the brink of officially achieving this milestone. This is clear proof that pragmatic harm-reduction policies work. Sweden’s success has been driven by adult smokers switching to lower-risk alternatives such as oral tobacco pouches (Snus), oral nicotine pouches and other non-combustible products.
“Vapes and pouches are helping to reduce risk, and Sweden’s smoke-free transition proves this,” said Dr Delon Human, leader of Smoke Free Sweden. “We should be celebrating policies that help smokers quit combustible tobacco, not spreading fear about the very tools that are accelerating the decline of cigarettes.”
It is further reported by health experts that conflating cigarettes with non-combustible alternatives risks deterring smokers from switching and could slow progress toward reducing tobacco-related disease.
Dr Human emphasized that youth protection and harm reduction are not mutually exclusive.
“It is critically important to safeguard against underage use, but this should be done by targeted, risk-proportionate regulation and proper enforcement, not by sacrificing the right of adults to access products that might save their lives,” he said.
Smoke Free Sweden is calling on global health authorities to adopt evidence-based policies that distinguish clearly between combustible tobacco – the primary cause of tobacco-related death – and lower-risk nicotine alternatives.
“Public health policy must be grounded in science and real-world outcomes,” Dr Human added. “Sweden’s experience shows that when adult smokers are given legal access to safer nicotine alternatives, smoking rates fall faster than almost anywhere else in the world.”
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