Features
Teaching Sri Lanka’s 2009 UNHRC Geneva Win: The Barcelona Lecture
With the discussion on Sri Lanka and the UNHRC resurfacing this year, the singularity of Geneva 2009 and Sri Lanka’s decisive victory has been noted in Parliament by the Leader of the Opposition.
Though no Lankan institution ever asked me to explain that 2009 outcome, it has figured amply in international scholarly literature.
When I served as Ambassador to France, Spain and Portugal, the prestigious Barcelona Institute for International Relations (IBEI), Spain, invited me to deliver a lecture on the topic in May 2012, the third anniversary of the 2009 outcome. I readily agreed, given that Prof Fred Halliday, Emeritus Professor of International Relations at the LSE and iconic Marxist scholar had spent the last five years of his life as Research Professor at IBEI.
My lecture was chaired by Prof Robert Kissack, Co-ordinator of the MA programme, former student of Prof Halliday at the LSE and his successor at IBEI. A discussant was Dr Margarita Petrova, whose specialization is ‘The Politics of Norm Creation’. Her doctoral dissertation won the American Political Science Association’s Prize for best dissertation in International Relations (2008).
I thought it appropriate to publish the text/transcript of my lecture in a Sri Lankan newspaper because it reconstructs context and conceptual underpinnings of the strategy that succeeded—exceptionally, as it turns out.
The Barcelona Lecture, May 24th 2012
I am especially glad to be here because I knew that one of my intellectual heroes from my early teens, Prof. Fred Halliday, spent many years here and was very fond of this place. I am gratified that Prof Robert Kissack who invited me and is chairing this lecture was a protégé and colleague of his.
As you would have gathered from Dr Kissack’s introduction, I am not a career diplomat. Now that usually is a disclaimer but in my case it means that I am more responsible for what I have done — and not done –as a diplomat than a career diplomat would be. I cannot use the usual cop-out and say I was only following orders. Therefore, I was far more vulnerable to the kind of questions and criticisms that you may ask, and I welcome them because I wrestle with these issues everyday myself as well, as an academic and as a former political activist.
Few things are as difficult as meeting the test of objectivity when discussing a significant event or process in which one played a frontline role. A fairly safe method is to commence with assessments of that event, process and role made by sources which were critical or hostile. While these may not themselves be objective, at least their subjectivity would err on the other side and therefore constitute a litmus test of sorts.
Outside of purely partisan ethnic propaganda, the most serious negative account of Sri Lanka’s war and the conduct of the Sri Lankan state is the solidly researched, well written, intelligent and readable book, The Cage by Gordon Weiss. It contains an entire chapter, 30 pages long, on the international and diplomatic dimension of the conflict’s closing stages (Ch 9: The Watching World). That it does so confirms that diplomacy was an important arena of struggle and contradicts the conception of diplomacy as mood setting Muzak for making nice.
Weiss focuses on the UN in two theatres, New York and Geneva. In an earlier chapter he makes clear the situation in New York:
“As the situation unfolded, the positions of China, Russia and India became clear. There would be no resolution from the UN Security Council warning Sri Lanka to restrain its forces. China and Russia, with separatist movements of their own would veto any motion within the Council. India struck a pose of outward ambivalence, even as it discreetly encouraged the Sri Lankan onslaught, though urging it to limit civilian casualties. But of the veto-wielding ‘perm five’ in the Security Council, it was China…which was the largest stumbling block” (pp.139-140)
“In the halls of the UN in New York, Mexico, which held one of the rotating Security Council seats, tried to have Sri Lanka formally placed on the agenda. While Western and democratic nations broadly lined up in support, it quickly became clear that China would block moves to have the council consider Sri Lanka’s actions….The possibility of an influential Security Council resolution remained distant…Sri Lanka had deftly played its China card and had trumped.” (pp 200-201)
Thus, at the UN New York, Sri Lanka was structurally safe, and in Weiss’ book, its diplomats in that theatre at that time, remain unnamed. The UN Geneva is brought to life rather differently in Weiss’ volume:
“On 27 May at the Palais des nations in Geneva, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, addressed the Human Rights Council and called for an international inquiry into the conduct of both parties to the war. While the EU and a brace of other countries formulated and then moved a resolution in support of Pillay’s call, a majority of countries on the Council rejected it out of hand. Instead, they adopted an alternative motion framed by Sri Lanka’s representatives praising the Sri Lankan government for its victory over the Tigers…” (p229)
In his concluding chapter Weiss describes my role:
“Dayan Jayatilleka, one of the most capable diplomats appointed by the Rajapaksa regime, had outmanoeuvred Western diplomats to help Sri Lanka escape censure from the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva (p256)”.
In his Notes he makes this evaluation: “Jayatilleka was the most lucid of the vocal Government of Sri Lanka representatives…” (p 330)
Gordon Weiss is not the only critical source available to the student of international relations for the objective understanding of Geneva 2009. Some of it is in Wikileaks, cables going not only from Geneva to Washington and back but even from cable traffic from the US Embassy in France and conversations between Ambassador Susan Rice and UN Human Rights High Commissioner Navi Pillay.
Here’s an observation about Geneva 2009, made by the international award-winning journalist and author Nirupama Subramanian:
“As Sri Lanka mulls over last month’s United Nations Human Rights Council resolution, it may look back with nostalgia at its 2009 triumph at Geneva. Then, barely a week after its victory over the LTTE, a group of western countries wanted a resolution passed against Sri Lanka for the civilian deaths and other alleged rights violations by the army during the last stages of the operation. With the blood on the battlefield not still dry, Sri Lanka managed to snatch victory from the jaws of diplomatic defeat, with a resolution that praised the government for its humane handling of civilians and asserted faith in its abilities to bring about reconciliation.” (The Hindu)
There has also been some academic research and publication. The most interesting is a piece which helps advanced students of international relations understand the deeper dimension and wider ramifications—far wider than Sri Lanka—of the battles in UN forums including most notably the May 2009 Special session. This essay talks about a clash on norms which took place in the UN Human Rights Council over the Sri Lankan issue and that the Sri Lankan diplomats played a role of ‘norm entrepreneurs’.
Research scholar David Lewis presented a paper at the University of Edinburgh, entitled ‘The failure of a liberal peace: Sri Lanka’s counterinsurgency in global perspective’, and published in Conflict, Security & Development, 2010, Vol 10:5, pp 647-671. Lewis is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for International Co-operation and Security in the Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, and headed the International Crisis Group’s Sri Lanka programme in 2006-7. He writes:
“Many of the battles over conflict-related norms between Sri Lanka and Europe took place in UN institutions, primarily the Human Rights Council (HRC)…it was Sri Lanka which generally had the best of these diplomatic battles…”
“Although this process of contestation reflects shifting power relations, and the increasing influence of China, Russia and other ‘Rising Powers’, it does not mean that small states are simply the passive recipients of norms created and contested by others. In fact, Sri Lankan diplomats have been active norm entrepreneurs in their own right, making significant efforts to develop alternative norms of conflict management, linking for example Chechnya and Sri Lanka in a discourse of state-centric peace enforcement. They have played a leading role in UN forums such as the UN HRC, where Sri Lankan delegates have helped ensure that the HRC has become an arena, not so much for the promotion of the liberal norms around which it was designed, but as a space in which such norms are contested, rejected or adapted in unexpected ways…”
“As a member of the UN HRC Sri Lanka has played an important role in asserting new, adapted norms opposing both secession and autonomy as possible elements in peace-building—trends that are convergent with views expressed by China, Russia and India…”
“The Sri Lankan conflict may be seen as the beginning of a new international consensus about conflict management, in which sovereignty and non-interference norms are reasserted, backed not only by Russia and China but also by democratic states such as Brazil.” (Lewis: 2010, pp. 658-661)
So, there we have it; that’s the story as seen by critical observer-analysts.
The backdrop of the special session of the UN Human Rights Council in 2009 was emotionally as highly charged as you can possibly imagine. The long Sri Lankan war was reaching its endgame, but what would that endgame be?
There was a lot of pressure not only from the Tamil Diaspora communities from the émigrés but also the liberal humanitarian view that there would be a blood bath which had to be stopped by a humanitarian intervention. It took the formula of a ‘humanitarian pause’. Lakhdar Brahimi and Chris Patten had written a piece in the New York Times about the imminent “bloodbath on the beach”. The EU Parliament was pushing a resolution for a ‘humanitarian pause’ and the resumption of negotiations with the Tigers. This was the template for the resolution that was planned for the UN Human Rights Council.
A very serious special session of the sort that was held years later on Syria or Libya in the UN Human Rights Council, was sought to be held. This required 16 signatures. The Sri Lankan team together with our friends and allies in the Non-Aligned Movement, in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) etc., fought a bitter rearguard action to prevent the 16 signatures’ requisite for the holding of a special session and managed to hold it back while the war was on. I was fully conscious of what we were doing in fighting hard to hold back the 16 signatures from being obtained so that a special session could not be moved in which there could have been a UN mandated call for a ‘pause’ on what would be the final attack on the Tigers.
Shortly after that the war was over on the 18th-19th of May 2009, the last signature was obtained. The EU was one signature short for 10 days and then it got that signature and then the session moved on at full speed. Instead of waiting for the EU resolution to be tabled and voted on, Sri Lanka together with the Non-Aligned Movement seized the initiative. We presented a resolution of our own. The special session was held on the 26th-27th May 2009 and it went down to a vote. Because of the nature of the counter-resolution that we crafted together with the Non-Aligned Movement, we obtained almost a two-thirds majority of the UN Human Rights Council.
In a search for a synthesis of values, our resolution actually contained quite a few of the points made by the EU resolution, i.e. everything that was unobjectionable, that was progressive, that was generally liberal in the EU’s resolution. It is the defence of sovereignty, but a national or state sovereignty invested with a commitment to popular sovereignty, that enabled us to obtain the support that we did and to defeat the resolution against us.
The battle of norms was not simply the liberal humanitarian interventionism versus a simple reiteration of national sovereignty. Rather, it was the kind of ideology that you would find Brazil, India, Indonesia, the emergent democracies, very comfortable with: a strong defense of national sovereignty but no less strong commitment to progressive reform.
It was indeed a clash of norms but it would be wrong to see it in an over simplified fashion, in which it is presented by many on either side of the divide. It is usually projected as liberal humanitarianism or ‘liberal humanitarian interventionism’ if you are critic of it, versus old fashioned Westphalian sovereignty, now renamed ‘Eastphalian’ sovereignty.
But we know certainly from Gramsci, and reinforced by Poulantzas and Laclau, that in the political arena you do not have simple contention. It is not a football game of two clearly demarcated sides. You are talking about constellations, about blocs, complex agglomerations with their own changing hegemony. This is true also about ideologies and it is ideologies that help cement these blocs. So, what we are talking about are hybrids on both sides, and you find that one prevails over the other depending on (a) the hybrid (b) the situation.
Liberal humanitarianism or liberal humanitarian intervention prevailed in the case of former Yugoslavia/Kosovo but did not prevail in the case of Sri Lanka in 2009. ‘Liberal humanitarian interventionist’ calls work only when dealing with certain kind of situation, certain kind of regimes/states or involving a movement of a certain sort.
I must confess that I rather liked Dr. Kissinger’s book On China because he understands why the Chinese see things the way they do, with a focus on national/state sovereignty. This is true not only about China but also about Vietnam and many of those societies and nations which see themselves as ancient. Old societies, States which had been in existence for millennia and which therefore have a very acute sense of what external intervention can do.
I reiterate an old point made by Lenin, Trotsky and Gramsci, in terms of the nature of State and society in the East and the West. The State is a much harder nut to crack, the further East you go. But a simple reassertion or assertion of State sovereignty in the absence of a situation in which it is credible, and in the absence of other ideals and values, does not prevail either! One has to always try to understand and discern the constellation of ideas and therefore the blocs that the contending parties have been able to put together.
This is the concluding lesson that I would draw out: if you lose the moral high ground, you lose the vote. If you succeed in occupying the moral high ground and displacing your foes from it, not only in your own eyes but in a universal sense, you win.
BY Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka
Features
El Niño and Sri Lanka: Safeguarding food security in uncertain times
by Prof. Janaka Wijesinghe, Dr. Nishala Wedamulla and Gayathma Weerawanni
As climate variability becomes an increasing challenge for nations worldwide, Sri Lanka faces growing concerns over the impact of El Niño, a natural climate phenomenon that can disrupt rainfall patterns, increase temperatures, and place additional pressure on agricultural production. For a country where agriculture remains a vital part of the economy and rural livelihoods, preparing for climate uncertainty has become essential to safeguarding food security. Food security includes not only the availability of food but also access to nutritious and affordable food.
Climate-induced disruptions to agricultural production can affect all dimensions of food security. Vulnerable populations, including low-income households and rural communities, are often the most affected by fluctuations in food supply and market prices.
Cause of the phenomenon
El Niño occurs when sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern Pacific Ocean become unusually warmer than normal, influencing global weather patterns. Although the phenomenon originates thousands of kilometres away, its effects are felt across many regions, including South Asia. According to experts, in Sri Lanka, El Niño events can contribute to irregular rainfall, prolonged dry periods, higher temperatures, and changes in the timing and intensity of monsoon rains.
Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector is particularly vulnerable to these climate fluctuations and faces increasing challenges from climate variability, with the El Niño phenomenon emerging as one of the most significant threats to national food security. As global temperatures continue to rise, understanding and preparing for the impacts of El Niño has become essential for ensuring a stable food supply and protecting the livelihoods of millions of Sri Lankans. Mainly, rice, the staple food of Sri Lanka, depends heavily on reliable water availability.
Reduced rainfall during critical cultivation periods can lead to drought conditions, lower reservoir levels, and can affect paddy yields, while excessive rainfall at unexpected times can damage the crop through flooding, diseases, and poor field conditions. In addition, other crops, including vegetables, fruits, and plantation crops, may also experience productivity losses due to heat stress and water shortages. These impacts can result in food shortages, rising food prices, and reduced incomes for farming communities.
The consequences of climate-related agricultural disruptions extend beyond farmers. Reduced crop production can lead to increased food prices, greater dependence on imports, and challenges in maintaining a stable food supply. For vulnerable communities, especially small-scale farmers and low-income households, these impacts can significantly affect nutrition and livelihoods.
Need to reduce postharvest losses
In such circumstances, reducing postharvest losses becomes a critical component of national food security strategies. Food that is produced but lost after harvesting represents wasted land, water, energy, labour, and financial resources invested in the production. In Sri Lanka, significant quantities of fruits, vegetables, grains, and other agricultural commodities are lost due to inadequate harvesting practices, poor postharvest handling, unsuitable storage conditions, inefficient transportation, and limited processing facilities. During periods of climate stress, such as El Niño-induced droughts, these losses become even more serious because the available food supply is already under pressure. Minimising postharvest losses can, therefore, increase food availability without requiring additional land or agricultural inputs. Hence, strengthening postharvest management can make a major contribution to climate resilience. Improved harvesting techniques, better packaging, temperature-controlled storage, efficient transportation systems, and modern processing technologies can extend the shelf life of agricultural products and reduce wastage.
How to face challenges
Promoting small-scale processing and value addition can also help farmers preserve surplus production and maintain income during periods of market fluctuations. Achieving food security in an era of climate uncertainty requires a comprehensive approach that considers both production and preservation. Increasing agricultural productivity alone is not sufficient if a significant portion of harvested food is lost before reaching consumers. Reducing postharvest losses should be recognised as one of the most practical, cost-effective, and sustainable solutions for ensuring food availability.
Moreover, Sri Lanka has opportunities to strengthen its resilience against El Niño-related challenges. Improving climate forecasting systems and ensuring that farmers receive timely weather information can help communities make better decisions on planting dates, crop selection, and water management. Climate-smart agricultural practices, such as drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation methods, soil conservation, and improved water storage, can reduce risks associated with changing weather patterns. Water management remains one of the most important strategies for climate resilience. Expanding rainwater harvesting, maintaining irrigation systems, and protecting watersheds can help communities manage water shortages during dry periods.
Importance of climate-smart agriculture
At the same time, Sri Lanka must continue to promote climate-smart agricultural practices. The use of drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation systems, soil conservation methods, and improved weather forecasting services can help farmers adapt to changing climate conditions. Providing timely climate information enables farmers to make informed decisions regarding crop selection, planting schedules, and resource management.
Investment in research and innovation will also play a key role. Agricultural institutions and researchers can support farmers by developing technologies and practices suited to changing climatic conditions. Promoting crop diversification can further reduce dependence on a limited number of crops and provide alternative sources of income during periods of climatic stress.
Food security in the face of climate change requires cooperation among government agencies, farmers, researchers, private-sector stakeholders, and communities. Early warning systems, disaster preparedness plans, and supportive agricultural policies can help minimise the effects of extreme climate events. As climate uncertainty becomes the new normal, proactive measures are essential to protect Sri Lanka’s food future. While El Niño presents significant challenges, strategic planning, innovation, and collaboration can help the nation build resilience and ensure that every citizen has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food. More importantly, policy support is crucial in building a resilient food system. Government agencies, research institutions, and the private sector must work together to develop sustainable agricultural practices and strengthen food supply chains. Diversifying food production and reducing post-harvest losses can also contribute to greater food security.
El Niño as a stark reminder
El Niño is a reminder that climate challenges do not respect geographical boundaries. While Sri Lanka cannot control global climate phenomena, it can strengthen its ability to adapt and respond. By combining scientific knowledge, sustainable farming practices, and effective planning, the nation can protect its food systems and ensure a more secure future in an era of increasing climate uncertainty.
As the climate continues to change, preparedness is no longer an option; it is a necessity for protecting Sri Lanka’s food security and the livelihoods of generations to come.
Features
Getting organised for the new arrival
BY Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond),
FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance medical correspondent
KEY POINTS
=Being parents of a newborn baby is a tremendous responsibility.
=To attend to the necessary chores and duties at home, the home set-up must be well organised.
=The routine care of a baby, throughout 24 hours, is a demanding one. But if things are well looked after and prearranged, it would make the task that much easier.
=It is a joint responsibility of the mother, as well as the father, and all other inmates of the same household.
At long last, the baby has arrived, and the parents will be taking him or her home. Usually in uncomplicated deliveries, even after Caesarean operations, the baby is sent home in a couple of days. It is generally a hectic time, and if steps have not already been taken to get things organised at home, it can be quite difficult for new parents. Getting things in shape should have started well before the baby’s birth, but even if he or she arrives earlier and unexpectedly, getting organised at that stage is important to make life easier for both parents. This is perhaps easier said than done, especially for a young couple, but it is a process that would pay dividends. All that is required is plenty of common sense. Getting organised for the newborn baby well in time will make life that much easier in the subsequent months and years to come.
An important thing to do is to arrange everything in the bedroom so that the ‘baby things’ are easily accessible and you know where to find each item. As an example, it should not be necessary to look high and low for nappy pins once a nappy has been put on the baby. What is advocated today is to keep the baby in the same bed as the parents, and this means an extra cot may not always be necessary. It would also provide a little more space in the room, which would otherwise have been taken up by a cot. However, a small baby cot is sometimes useful to put the baby to sleep and provide some rest and relaxation to the mother.
If the baby is kept on the same bed as the mother, there is no danger of the mother rolling over the baby during sleep, as the natural in-built maternal instincts would wake her up at the slightest touch from the baby or the tiniest noise from the baby.
Clothes and nappies
The clothes and nappies of the baby should be easily accessible and available at all times. It is not necessary to buy a new almirah or a cupboard for the baby. A couple of shelves of a cupboard that is already in the bedroom would do nicely. Even a small separate wooden or cane rack with shelves too would be more than adequate for this purpose. The secret is to still have sufficient room in your own bedroom to move about even after getting the baby’s things organised. Sweeping and cleaning the bedroom should be done every day. Some people elect to wet-mop the floor, which is a really good thing. These tasks should not take too much time and could be quickly attended to when the baby is resting quietly after a feed.
Other people in the household and perhaps the father of the baby could help in this regard. Battery torch lights and emergency lights for power failures should be kept in places that are easily accessible, even in the dark. It is no joke to start looking for these things when there is a loss of electrical power. One needs to be prepared, as such unexpected power failures are so very frequent in certain areas of the country. Incidentally, there is nothing against the use of electric fans in the bedroom where the baby is.
During very warm days, it will only make the baby more comfortable. It will not cause any illness. The same applies to air conditioners, provided they are maintained well and serviced regularly. If there is a telephone in the house, it would be worthwhile getting a cordless extension so that the mother does not have to run around in circles to answer the phone while attending to the needs of the baby. This is of course minimised completely today with the use of modern mobile phones.
Feeding the baby should not cause any problems at all. The need of the hour is to exclusively breastfeed for the first six months. THERE IS NO OTHER MILK THAT COMES EVEN CLOSE TO THE GOODNESS OF MOTHER’S MILK – FULL STOP; NO ARGUMENTS AND NO BUTS. There is extremely convincing and overriding scientific evidence for breast milk being the very best form of nutrition for a new arrival. It is the golden elixir of life, and there is nothing else, absolutely nothing else, that is as good as mother’s milk for a baby. The infant milk-food companies can even shout from the rooftops but they have no chance, whatsoever, against proven scientific medical evidence. It is also important to stress that babies need to be fed on demand and very definitely NOT BY THE CLOCK. All babies will indicate by various actions when they are hungry and feel the need to be fed.
Breastfeeding obviates need for bottles, etc.,
Exclusive breastfeeding would obviate the need for bottles, teats, cups, spoons, formula milk powder, sterilising equipment, etc. There is no extra cost involved as well. Government legislation has provided working mothers with sufficient maternity leave to feed their babies with human milk for at least the first four months. If there are ways of getting a little bit more leave to stretch it to six months, this should be explored to the fullest, as the benefits of exclusive breastfeeding are worth a lot more than money could buy. There are added benefits of breastfeeding such as control of the mother’s weight and figure as she burns up a significant number of calories in producing her milk.
When it is time to give the baby a bath, arrange everything you need around the place where you are going to bathe the baby. Towels, soap, etc., should be at arm’s length. If there is help available at home in the form of members of the extended family or domestic aides, this is the time you could really make use of them. When the mother gets used to the procedure, bathing a baby is no big deal. In most instances, it is a thing that both mother and baby would enjoy. Get the baby used to bathing as early as possible. This will prevent him or her from making an almighty fuss at bath time later on. Almost all babies love to be in water provided they are introduced to bathing very early in their lives.
The mother must arrange her mealtimes and resting periods to coincide with the times when the baby is quiet or is sleeping. Mother’s meals just need to be nutritious, and everyday foods are more than adequate. It is not necessary to go out of the way to provide her with expensive supplementary foods or additional forms of nutrition. There is no scientific evidence to say that certain foods are not good for nursing mothers. The notions of “heaty” foods and “cooling” foods have no scientific rationale.
Most authorities believe that a nursing mother could and should eat anything and everything. The only thing necessary is to provide a nicely balanced and adequate diet. The mother needs to get a sufficient and acceptable amount of sleep, especially during the day. This is particularly important because she may have to get up several times during the night to feed and change clothes of the baby. Steps must be taken to provide her with these essential periods of rest. Organising a routine to help her with this aspect would be most desirable.
Father’s work schedule
It is also advantageous for the father to get his work schedules and duties rearranged as much as possible and in such a manner so as to provide sufficient time at home to help in caring for the baby. This, of course, depends on the exact type of work that he is involved in. In each and every case, a genuine effort should be made to have quality time with the mother and the baby. This is particularly useful for the first few months of the baby’s life. As far as possible, the father should be equally involved with the rearing practices of the baby. Looking after a baby should be a shared responsibility. This process also enhances the baby developing a very beneficial and desirable bond with both parents.
The arrival of a new baby should not lead to a complete social embargo for the family. One could travel outside the home with the baby, especially if the times of travel are carefully planned to suit the requirements of the baby, such as feeding times. Even then, if the baby is breastfed, he or she could be fed almost anywhere. Some babies are, however, prone to throwing up while travelling immediately after a feed. It is generally better to avoid intensely overcrowded social gatherings, but social visiting, attending weddings and parties, with the baby in tow, are quite in order, even when the baby is just a few weeks old.
If the parents own a car, it is a good idea to get a commercially available baby car seat that is fitted to the rear seat of the car. The sooner you get the baby used to travelling in this baby seat, the better it is for all around. It is the safest way to take the baby in the car. In some of the Western countries, newborn babies are not discharged from the hospital till a car seat is fitted to the car. Unfortunately, baby car seats are not that popular in this country, but it must be pointed out that they contribute a great deal towards the safety of a baby in the case of a traffic accident.
Unnecessary expenditure
Many parents spend unnecessary amounts of money on a baby. All kinds of expensive items, such as perfumes, colognes, powders, etc., are not quite essential for a baby. The natural milky smell of a baby is quite unique. The clothes that one buys for a baby should be simple, uncomplicated, light and preferably of cotton origin. Their design should be very safe for the baby. It is best to remember that babies grow up very fast, especially in the first two years of life and tend to outgrow clothes in next to no time. Even the toys for the baby should be appropriately selected and should be very safe and eminently affordable.
There is no reason whatsoever that the expenses for a little newborn baby should be more than what one would normally need to spend on an adult.
A newborn baby should be such a joy for the entire family, including the extended family. Grandparents would usually dote on the baby. If there are other children, it is important to provide the necessary attention to them as well so that they would not feel neglected. It would prevent sibling rivalry, and the other kids would go on to love the new arrival. All newborn babies are quite a delight and not a burden, and it is definitely their right to be treated as such.
Features
Shouldn’t foreign expert be appointed MD of SLP?
by J. A. A. S.R anasinghe,
Productivity Specialist
rathula49@gmail.com
The recent appointment of Vipul Misra, an Indian national, as Acting Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lankan Airlines deserves to be viewed from a much broader perspective than simply as an appointment to a vacant position. In my view, it is a sensible and courageous decision by the Government.
Sri Lankan Airlines is a national asset operating in an intensely competitive international aviation industry. It requires specialised aviation knowledge, commercial acumen, operational discipline and international exposure. According to the report on his appointment, Misra brings more than two decades of aviation engineering and leadership experience, including experience with major Indian carriers such as Air India, Vistara, IndiGo, SpiceJet, Kingfisher Airlines and Air Deccan.
Dr. Sarath Obeysekera, a high-profile CEO and the former Managing Director of Colombo Dockyard PLC contends the appropriateness of filling senior corporate positions of the public sector from foreign nationals, when positions of high-calibre CEOs are not locally available. He says that Sri Lankan Airlines has previously benefited from expatriate professional leadership. During the Emirates management period from 1998 to 2008, British aviation professional Peter Hill led the airline through rebranding, fleet modernisation, network expansion and improvements in service standards.
The airline reported profits during several of those years, although later analysis showed that gains from aircraft sales and leaseback transactions contributed significantly to some results. Nevertheless, the airline was run with greater commercial discipline, clearer accountability and considerably less day-to-day political interference.
Following the end of Emirates management, due to direct intervention by the then President, Sri Lankan Airlines faced turbulent situations and passed through numerous chairmen, chief executives, restructuring proposals, procurement controversies and political interventions while taxpayers continued to carry its debts and losses.
It would be unfair to suggest that every Sri Lankan chairman or CEO was incompetent or corrupt. Sri Lanka has produced many outstanding aviation professionals. The deeper problem has been a governance system in which even capable executives can be weakened by political appointments, interference in commercial decisions, frequent leadership changes and the absence of measurable accountability. He says that the arrival of Indian professional leadership is not limited to aviation.
Colombo Dockyard presents another significant example. Following the acquisition of a controlling interest by India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders, Capt. Jagmohan was appointed its non-executive chairman. He is a naval architect with extensive experience in warship design, naval dockyards, shipbuilding and major maritime projects. (Mazagon Dock leadership)
This partnership could give Colombo Dockyard access to capital, technology, Indian and international orders, specialised naval work and a much larger supply chain. However, because the Dockyard is an important national maritime asset, success must be measured by the creation of skilled Sri Lankan employment, expansion into commercial and offshore engineering, growth in exports, transfer of technology and development of local managerial successors—not merely by a change of ownership or boardroom nationality.
The rise of Indian professionals should not surprise us. Sundar Pichai leads Alphabet and Google, while Indian-born executives have led several other globally important technology and industrial corporations. India has built an enormous pool of engineers, scientists, accountants and managers through technical education, English-language capability, exposure to large competitive markets and international professional mobility.
India’s formal national ambition is Viksit Bharat 2047—to become a developed nation by the centenary of its independence. The target is 2047 rather than 2040, and its vision specifically combines economic growth, skills, social progress, sustainability and good governance. (Government of India)
The important lesson is that nationality should not be the principal criterion for selecting the person to lead a strategically important State enterprise. Competence should be, according to Dr. Obeysekera. This principle should now be extended to another equally important national institution — the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), as this post has fallen vacant and an advertisement has appeared in the newspapers calling for applications from suitable applicants.
The recent discussion surrounding the vacant substantive post of Managing Director of the SLPA, including Dr. Sarath Obeysekera’s call for the appointment of a “developer, not merely an administrator”, raises a fundamental question: Are we looking for someone merely to administer the existing machinery of the Ports Authority, or someone capable of transforming Sri Lanka’s ports into major engines of investment, industry, employment and foreign-exchange earnings?
The distinction is crucial. On the other hand, one should not be over excited for the manner in which foreign nationals are employed not in hundred perhaps in thousands in manual operational activities in heavy industries in Sri Lanka. In the case of Shipbuilding and Construction industries, the deployment of welders and skilled workers have now become a norm rather than an exception.
Sri Lanka possesses enormous maritime advantages. Colombo is strategically located on one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, while Hambantota and Trincomalee offer substantial possibilities for future development. Yet the challenge is no longer simply to operate ports efficiently. The country must develop the ecosystem around them — logistics, ship repair, shipbuilding, offshore services, maritime industries, warehousing, bunkering, technology, investment and related export-oriented activities.
This requires a different type of leadership. The government should therefore consider applying the same bold thinking demonstrated in the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment to the SLPA. If the best person to transform the Ports Authority is a Sri Lankan, appoint that person. If the best candidate is an internationally recognised professional from India, Singapore, Dubai, Europe, Japan or elsewhere, why should nationality become a barrier?
Indeed, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority Act itself provides that the Minister shall appoint a “competent and experienced person” as Managing Director, whose responsibility includes directing the business, exercising the Authority’s functions and controlling its employees. That statutory emphasis on competence and experience should guide the selection.
What Sri Lanka needs is not another appointment based primarily on seniority, institutional familiarity or traditional public-sector credentials. It needs a leader with a proven international track record in port development, maritime logistics, commercialisation, investment attraction and large-scale project execution. Such a person should be given clear targets and held accountable for delivering them.
The appointment of an international professional should not be regarded as an admission of failure on the part of Sri Lankan professionals. On the contrary, it would demonstrate confidence in the principle that Sri Lanka’s national assets deserve the best available talent, wherever that talent may be found.
The government has already demonstrated this new approach through the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment. I respectfully suggest that it should now have the courage to apply the same principle to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.
Our national assets are too valuable to be confined to a search for talent within national boundaries. The best person for the job should be given the job irrespective of nationality.
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