Features
Starting work at WHO in Geneva with the Community Based Rehabilitation Project
(Excerpted from Memories that linger: My journey in the world of disability by Padmani Mendis)
All arrangements were made for travel on May 14. In those days the Swiss visa was obtained over the counter. Flights were frequent. Ticketing by Swiss Air was quick and easy. And made easier by an accessible manager. Punctual departure, smooth take off, much napping on the flight, it did not seem long before I awoke to hear our arrival in Geneva being announced.
As I looked out of the window dawn was just breaking. And what an astounding scenic feast awaited my eyes. The glow of the early sunrise bathing over beautiful snow-capped mountain peaks of all shapes and sizes stretching out forever. And the culmination of it – Mont Blanc rising majestically above them in all its glorious purity. So wondrous was the site that the pilot took us round twice over so we could drink in that vista. He took us as close as he could safely take us, so close that one felt one could almost touch the glorious mountain. It was a brief but exceptional experience never to be had again in all my flights over those Swiss mountains.
Thank you, Captain. I can still see Mont Blanc as it was that beautiful morning in May even as I write about it here, 43 years later.
In Geneva, I met Gunnel for the first time and we connected immediately. It was as though we had known each other forever. She and Einar were friends already, having worked together in Gothenburg, she as Head of Occupational Therapy and he as the Internal Medicine Specialist in charge of the Department of Rehabilitation. The three of us spent but little time on pleasantries and sat down together immediately to start our work on developing “Community Oriented Rehabilitation”. In this we were being very Swedish – time is too precious to be wasted.
We spent much time discussing the possible strategy that Einar had conceived and how it could be put on the ground. Then Einar would go off to attend to his other responsibilities in the unit while Gunnel and I actually started putting the ideas we had developed down on paper. Over the next few years we would be together in Geneva like this may be a couple of times a year, sharing our field experiences and our real-life learning. Using that to improve our materials and setting ever higher our goals aimed at a better life for disabled people.
And then to go away again to carry out more evaluation and gain more learning.
Community-Based Rehabilitation or CBR
During one such discussion in the early days we knew we had not got something quite right. “Orienting” rehabilitation to communities does not go quite far enough, we agreed. What we were discussing was something far deeper, penetrating the communities in which disabled people lived, promoting ownership of the rehabilitation process by those community members and disabled people together. For we knew from our own experiences and discussions with others that change would come only with ownership of, and responsibility for, the process of change.
Then Eureka! We got it right. Rehabilitation must be based in the Community we exclaimed almost together. It must be part of the fabric of each community. What we are talking about is Community-Based Rehabilitation. And so the term was born. Einar immediately went further. Ever the innovator, “We can shorten it to CBR,” he said.
And that is how the world came to know it – CBR, at that time as it does today.
The use of the word “based” had also another very important implication. We knew that all rehabilitation tasks could not be carried out at the community level. Support from outside would no doubt be required to assist them to solve those problems that they could not solve by themselves. The term CBR implied that a supporting structure was called for.
Einar
Einar had come to take up his post at WHO some four years earlier. His high level of intellect and intensively scientific mind is combined with an unlimited visionary outlook. All of which makes him a truly unique individual. For disability globally he was the right man at the right time at the right job. His concern was for the poor and the needy, the vulnerable, the marginalised, the neglected.
And that concern knew no bounds. Son of a Swedish Bishop, he grew up when poverty was the norm in Sweden. Before the Swedes discovered the value of the abundance of trees that nature had blessed their land with. He told me how he would see individuals rummaging in garbage bins where he grew up in Stockholm in the same way he saw people now in the poorer countries that he visited.
He was a sensitive individual. It was no surprise that he made it his first priority when he came to WHO to address the issues related to disabled people in developing countries. Issues of discrimination, disregard and destitution.
To understand these issues deeply, he selected a few countries to visit. Important to him was to reach rural areas where those most in need lived, to talk with them and their family members and others who lived in their neighbourhood. This gave him an understanding of how such people dealt with their problems and took steps to overcome them in the here and now. Because these people just had to. Life would have not been possible had they not.
One such country he chose to visit was in the Middle East. A recent disaster was created when poisoned cooking oil had been consumed by a significant section of the population. Many people, including a large number of children, had been paralysed by the poison. Various parts of their body had been affected. As a result, some had been unable to walk, others to move their legs or trunks, still others to use their arms. Einar was struck by the resilience of these people whose lives had been shattered by the cooking oil. The disaster impacted heavily on the severe financial and other difficulties most faced. It impacted on their day to day living and on their quality of life.
And yet these people had, to a large extent, reduced this impact by overcoming the effects the poison had on their bodies. Spending time with these people, Einar saw how mothers had made bars in their garden using branches of trees so that their children could hold onto them, use their legs to make them stronger and be able to walk again. He saw adults using suitably-shaped tree branches as crutches to enable them to walk and attend to farming. He talked with others who had been unable to move about make simple trolleys on which they could get to where they wanted, even involving themselves in trading.
In other countries he visited he met people who were deaf communicating with neighbours and others in their villages using simple signs which they had developed themselves. He saw blind people moving around the neighbourhood with a stick to guide them so that they were not isolated at home.
These visits constituted valuable learning for Einar. The learning converted into a seed from which grew the strategy that the world came to know and practice as Community-Based Rehabilitation or CBR.
Putting Learning into Practice and the Role of SIDA
Now he had to put the ideas he derived from the learning he acquired to WHO and get approval for action. Protocol required that he prepare an analysis of the situation of disabled people in developing countries to justify the recommendations he would make to WHO for a policy change. Preparing the policy document was a long process.
It was ultimately approved by WHO in 1978. The new policy direction was at that time called “Disability Prevention and Rehabilitation”. Later the programme name was changed to “Rehabilitation”.
Once approval was obtained, Einar had to seek extra budgetary funding to set in motion the beginnings of policy implementation. The Swedish International Development Agency or SIDA was particularly partial to the less fortunate in this world. The WHO’s new policy direction was attractive to them and they came to be a partner of the rehabilitation programme for the next decade or so. It is thanks to SIDA that Community-Based Rehabilitation was developed globally benefiting so many disabled people and their families throughout the developing world.
And it is also thanks to SIDA that Einar, Gunnel and I were now together in Geneva working on the CBR strategy and drafting a Manual that would start putting this policy into action. Then having done this, we would evaluate the practice of these in the field. Development of the CBR strategy with the Manual and its evaluation took until 1989. The Manual called “Training in the Community for People with Disabilities” became an official WHO publication that year. It was said by WHO some years ago that this Manual had been translated into over sixty languages and used in over 100 countries.
First Tasks
Carrying out these first tasks in Geneva in 1979 was no easy job. Drafting a Manual was arduous and exhausting. The first step was involving as many people as was practically possible and with them, collecting information. For this the assistance provided by a volunteer was invaluable. She had space in our room, joined us at our desk and sent off letters to as many sources as she could contact in any and every part of the world to seek their views on a possible strategy and its implementation.
Then she collated and tabulated the replies she received. Helen was from Australia. Her husband, a medical specialist was on contract to WHO for two years. Helen, herself a medical specialist but with no formal job had time on her hands, some of which she spent willingly with us.
As for Gunnel and me, one of our earliest tasks was to go round the “House” as the headquarters was often referred to. We met divisional heads and other officials in those departments that were relevant to disability and to what we were doing. These included for example mental health, accident prevention, blindness and deafness prevention, nursing, medical education and so on.
The response of most was seldom a positive or an encouraging one. Many were frankly discouraging. Some indicating that the idea of introducing rehabilitation strategies at community level was sheer madness. Which had Gunnel and I sometimes return to our room, close the door and shed buckets of tears. What were these people telling us? Did they not understand, not care? Where were we going?
Together we shared a strong belief with Einar that this was definitely the way to go and with this shared belief we overcame all obstacles. I recall one outstanding personality who gave us his wholehearted support from the word go. He was Jean Jacques Gilbert or JJ, a specialist in Medical Education and Head of that Department. He had done pioneering work in objectives-based teaching and evaluation of learning and was continuing to develop materials for medical education on these lines.
Einar and he shared a relationship based on mutual respect; each had an independent spirit and confidence in what the other was doing. Gunnel and I believed that what brought them together also was the antipathy to them shown by other professionals in the House. We believed also that the antipathy was a result of some envy of the intellectual and visionary capacity and the pioneering spirit demonstrated by both JJ and Einar.
Gunnel and I also grew a relationship of mutual respect with JJ. Over the next few years on our many stints in Geneva, Gunnel and I often turned to him for advice when we were stuck. The materials we developed were for self-learning, objectives-based and facilitated self-evaluation. So JJ’s advice was invaluable.
For me from Sri Lanka, his manner was sometimes embarrassing. Being a Frenchman and a gallant one at that, he would insist on greeting me by raising my hand to kiss the back of it with a bow, a real old-fashioned French style of greeting. This happened even when we met on a corridor. Strangely enough he never did that with Gunnel and that made me wonder, why not?
Gunnel and I experienced interactions within the House that resulted in both highs and lows for us. Neither of us liked the atmosphere that prevailed within it at that time, perhaps because we were women consultants, a relative rarity. But we loved our work and nothing could keep us away from that House.
Gathering More Information to Complete a Draft
Our initial work of gathering views and recommendations extended beyond the House to other institutions in Geneva. These included ILO, the International Labour Organisation, where we met Mr. Brown, a chubby, pleasant individual from England. He was supportive of our work from the time we told him of it. He cooperated with us to develop the strategy and evaluated those sections that were relevant to work, particularly the module on income generation.
Mr. Brown was responsible for having ILO formally recognised as a co-producer of the draft Manual with the ILO logo alongside that of WHO on the cover. So did UNDP, UNICEF and UNESCO have their logos on the cover.
Gunnel and I also visited UNESCO in Paris to meet Lena Saleh from Jordan. Lena was the single worker in the Special Education Section as it was then called, fighting a lone battle to improve the education of disabled children. The way she fought this battle alone was by producing booklets and other material for distribution and use in developing countries. One person alone in Paris reaching and impacting the right to education of many thousands of children and their teachers who were far away. Einar and Lena were good friends, their common approach to work bringing them together.
The Manual “Training in the Community for People with Disabilities”: Knowledge is Power
The WHO Manual “Training in the Community for People with Disabilities” or TCPD contains knowledge, and Knowledge is Power. This is the overall, the primary purpose of the Manual. That disabled people, their families and their communities will have power; power in their own hands to change their situations. Today we call this empowerment. That word empowerment was not used then, but here was the concept of empowerment in practice.
In the absence of knowledge together with the power to use it and to know how to use it, no change is possible. The overall design and content of the Manual has therefore a dual role: one, how to change their situation which was called the CBR strategy, and two, the CBR technology. The technology was actions made possible with knowledge and skills. The Manual has also built into it a monitoring and evaluation system to check that both are working.
A term that was not used at the time the Manual was first drafted, was community mobilisation. But this process of community mobilisation is the foundation of CBR. It is described in the Manual as including the following: bringing members of a community together, enabling them to talk about any problems within their group related to disability, discussing the resources they themselves had to deal with such problems and what more they may need, making available to them the knowledge and skills they need to do these, providing them with the support they needed and making all this sustainable.
In a nutshell, this is the CBR process. The Manual was not designed for professionals. It was essentially for CBR implementation within rural communities. With some adaptations it was also used in urban communities
The local government elections, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023, but were postponed by the previous government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections be held without delay. They may have feared a defeat would erode that government’s already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate following the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place at present will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.
Examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to bring a halt to corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.
The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for over 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further the unclaimed land to be designated as “state land” raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government’s election campaign in the North and East. High-level visits by the President, Prime Minister, and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government’s cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka’s unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.
Economic Incentives
In the North and East, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, return of military-occupied land, release of long-term Tamil prisoners, and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim lands. They make the point that, while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land has been highlighted as reflecting the government’s deference to majority ethnic sentiment.
The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are themselves fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency, and opportunity—criteria that favour the ruling party’s approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five year plan for the development of Jaffna.
There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make, that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president’s remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticized by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.
Broader Vision
The government’s Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the North and East, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability, and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.
As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the Western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory at the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th Amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalize on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.
Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst these, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful at those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its 2/3 majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government’s mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.
by Jehan Perera
The fall of Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City – HCM) on 30 April 1975 marked the end of Vietnam’s decades-long struggle for liberation—first against French colonialism, then U.S. imperialism. Ho Chi Minh’s Viet Minh, formed in 1941, fought Japanese occupiers and later defeated France at Dien Bien Phu (1954). The Geneva Accords temporarily split Vietnam, with U.S.-backed South Vietnam blocking reunification elections and reigniting conflict.
The National Liberation Front (NLF) led resistance in the South, using guerrilla tactics and civilian support to counter superior U.S. firepower. North Vietnam sustained the fight via the Ho Chi Minh Trail, despite heavy U.S. bombing. The costly 1968 Tet Offensive exposed U.S. vulnerabilities and shifted public opinion.
Of even more import, the Vietnam meat-grinder drained the U.S. military machine of weapons, ammunition and morale. By 1973, relentless resistance forced U.S. withdrawal. In March 1975, the Vietnamese People’s Army started operations in support of the NLF. The U.S.-backed forces collapsed, and by 30 April the Vietnamese forces forced their way into Saigon.
At 11 am, Soviet-made T-54 tank no. 843 of company commander Bui Quang Than rammed into a gatepost of the presidential palace (now Reunification Palace). The company political commissar, Vu Dang Toan, following close behind in his Chinese-made T-59 tank, no. 390, crashed through the gate and up to the palace. It seems fitting that the tanks which made this historic entry came from Vietnam’s principal backers.
Bui Quang Than bounded from his tank and raced onto the palace rooftop to hoist the NLF flag. Meanwhile, Vu Dang Toan escorted the last president of the U.S.-backed regime, Duong Van Minh, to a radio station to announce the surrender of his forces. This surrender meant the liberation not only of Saigon but also of the entire South, the reunification of the country, and a triumph of perseverance—a united, independent nation free from foreign domination after a 10,000-day war.
Celebrations
On 30 April 2025, Vietnam celebrated the 50th anniversary of the Liberation of the South and National Reunification. HCM sprouted hundreds of thousands of national flags and red hammer-and-sickle banners, complemented by hoardings embellished with reminders of the occasion – most of them featuring tank 590 crashing the gate.
Thousands of people camped on the streets from the morning of 29 April, hoping to secure good spots to watch the parade. Enthusiasm, especially of young people, expressed itself by the wide use of national flag t-shirts, ao dais (traditional long shirts over trousers), conical hats, and facial stickers. This passion may reflect increasing prosperity in this once impoverished land.
The end of the war found Vietnam one of the poorest countries in the world, with a low per capita income and widespread poverty. Its economy struggled due to a combination of factors, including wartime devastation, a lack of foreign investment and heavy reliance on subsistence agriculture, particularly rice farming, which limited its potential for growth. Western sanctions meant Vietnam relied heavily on the Soviet Union and its socialist allies for foreign trade and assistance.
The Vietnamese government launched Five-Year Plans in agriculture and industry to recover from the war and build a socialist nation. While encouraging family and collective economies, it restrained the capitalist economy. Despite these efforts, the economy remained underdeveloped, dominated by small-scale production, low labour productivity, and a lack of modern technology. Inflexible central planning, inept bureaucratic processes and corruption within the system led to inefficiencies, chronic shortages of goods, and limited economic growth. As a result, Vietnam’s economy faced stagnation and severe hyperinflation.
These mounting challenges prompted the Communist Party of Vietnam to introduce Đổi Mới (Renovation) reforms in 1986. These aimed to transition from a centrally planned economy to a “socialist-oriented market economy” to address inefficiencies and stimulate growth, encouraging private ownership, economic deregulation, and foreign investment.
Transformation
Đổi Mới marked a historic turning point, unleashing rapid growth in agricultural output, industrial expansion, and foreign direct investment. Early reforms shifted agriculture from collective to household-based production, encouraged private enterprise, and attracted foreign investment. In the 2000s, Vietnam became a top exporter of textiles, electronics, and rice, shifting towards high-tech manufacturing (inviting Samsung and Intel factories). By the 2020s, it emerged as a global manufacturing hub, the future focus including the digital economy, green energy, and artificial intelligence.
In less than four decades, Vietnam transformed from a poor, agrarian nation into one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies, though structural reforms are still needed for sustainable development. Growth has remained steady, at 5-8% per year.
Vietnam’s reforms lifted millions out of poverty, created a dynamic export-driven economy, and improved education, healthcare, and infrastructure. This has manifested itself in reducing extreme poverty from 70% to 1%, increasing literacy to 96%, life expectancy from 63 to 74 years, and rural electrification from less than 50% to 99.9%. Industrialisation drove urbanisation, which doubled from 20% in 1986 to 40% now.
This change displayed itself during the celebrations in HCM, amid skyscrapers, highways and the underground metro system. Everybody dressed well, and smartphones could be seen everywhere – penetration has reached three-fourths of the population. Thousands turned out on motorbikes and scooters (including indigenous electric scooters) – two-wheeler ownership is over 70%, the highest rate per capita in ASEAN. Traffic jams of mostly new cars emphasised the growth of the middle class.
At the same time, street food vendors and makeshift pavement bistro owners joined sellers of patriotic hats, flags and other paraphernalia to make a killing from the revellers. This reflects the continuance of the informal sector– currently representing 30% of the economy.
The Vietnamese government channelled tax income from booming sectors into underdeveloped regions, investing in rural infrastructure and social welfare to balance growth and mitigate urban-rural inequality during rapid economic expansion. Nevertheless, this economic transformation came with unequal benefits, exacerbating income inequality and persistent gender gaps in wages and opportunities. Sustaining growth requires tackling corruption, upgrading workforce skills, and balancing development with inequality.
NLF flag
Tank 390 courtesy Bao Hai Duong
The parade itself, meticulously carried out (having been rehearsed over three days), featured cultural pageants and military displays and drew admiration. Of special note, the inclusion of foreign military contingents from China, Laos, and Cambodia for the first time signalled greater regional solidarity, acknowledging their historical support while maintaining a balanced foreign policy approach.
Veteran, war-era foreign journalists noted another interesting fact: the re-emergence of the NLF flag. Comprising red and blue stripes with a central red star, this flag had never been prominent at the ten-year anniversary celebrations. The journalists questioned its sudden reappearance. It may be to give strength to the idea of the victory being one of the South itself, part of a drive to increase unity between North and South.
Before reunification in 1975, North and South Vietnam embodied starkly contrasting economic and social models. The North operated under a centrally planned socialist system, with collectivised farms and state-run industries. It emphasised egalitarianism, mass education, and universal healthcare while actively preserving traditional Vietnamese culture. The South, by contrast, maintained a market-oriented economy heavily reliant on agricultural exports (rice and rubber) and foreign aid. A wealthy elite dominated politics and commerce, while Western—particularly American—cultural influence grew pervasive during the war years.
Following reunification under the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976), the government moved swiftly to integrate the two regions. In 1978, it introduced a unified national currency (the đồng, VND), merging the North’s and South’s financial systems into a single, state-controlled framework. The unification of monetary policy symbolised the broader ideological project: to erase colonial and capitalist legacies.
Unity and solidarity
However, the economic disparities and cultural divides between regions persist, though less pronounced than before. The South, particularly HCM, remains Vietnam’s economic powerhouse, with a stronger private sector and international trade connections. The North, including Hanoi, has a more government-driven economy. Southerners tend to have a more entrepreneurial mindset, while Northerners are often seen as more traditional and rule-bound. Conversely, individuals from the North occupy more key government positions.
Studies suggest that people in the South exhibit lower trust in the government compared to those in the North. HCM tends to have stronger support for Western countries like the United States, while Hanoi has historically maintained closer ties with China. People in HCM tend to use the old “Saigon” city name.
Consequently, the 50th anniversary celebrations saw a focus on reconciliation and unity, reflecting a shift in perspective towards peace and friendship, as well as accompanying patriotism with international solidarity.
The exuberant crowds, modern infrastructure, and thriving consumer economy showcased the transformative impact of Đổi Mới—yet lingering regional disparities, informal labour challenges, and unequal gains remind the nation that sustained progress demands inclusive reforms. The symbolic return of the NLF flag and the emphasis on unity underscored a nuanced reconciliation between North and South, honouring shared struggle while navigating enduring differences.
As Vietnam strides forward as a rising Asian economy, it balances its socialist legacy with global ambition, forging a path where prosperity and patriotism converge. The anniversary was not just a celebration of the past but a reflection on the complexities of Vietnam’s ongoing evolution.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
By Vinod Moonesinghe
The Sri Lanka music scene is certainly a happening place for quite a few of our artistes, based abroad, who are regularly seen in action in our part of the world. And they certainly do a great job, keeping local music lovers entertained.
Rohitha and Rohan, the JAYASRI twins, who are based in Vienna, Austria, are in town, doing the needful, and the twosome has turned out to be crowd-pullers.
Says Rohitha: Our season here in Sri Lanka, and summer in the south hemisphere (with JAYASRI) started in October last year, with many shows around the island, and tours to Australia, Japan, Dubai, Doha, the UK, and Canada. We will be staying in the island till end of May and then back to Austria for the summer season in Europe.”
Rohitha mentioned their UK visit as very special.
The JAYASRI twins Rohan and Rohitha
“We were there for the Dayada Charity event, organised by The Sri Lankan Kidney Foundation UK, to help kidney patients in Sri Lanka, along with Yohani, and the band Flashback. It was a ‘sold out’ concert in Leicester.
“When we got back to Sri Lanka, we joined the SL Kidney Foundation to handover the financial and medical help to the Base Hospital Girandurukotte.
“It was, indeed, a great feeling to be a part of this very worthy cause.”
Rohitha and Rohan also did a trip to Canada to join JAYASRI, with the group Marians, for performances in Toronto and Vancouver. Both concerts were ‘sold out’ events.
They were in the Maldives, too, last Saturday (03).
Alpha Blondy:
In action, in
Colombo, on
19th July!
JAYASRI, the full band tour to Lanka, is scheduled to take place later this year, with Rohitha adding “May be ‘Another legendary Rock meets Reggae Concert’….”
The band’s summer schedule also includes dates in Dubai and Europe, in September to Australia and New Zealand, and in October to South Korea and Japan.
Rohitha also enthusiastically referred to reggae legend Alpha Blondy, who is scheduled to perform in Sri Lanka on 19th July at the Air Force grounds in Colombo.
“We opened for this reggae legend at the Austria Reggae Mountain Festival, in Austria. His performance was out of this world and Sri Lankan reggae fans should not miss his show in Colombo.”
Alpha Blondy is among the world’s most popular reggae artistes, with a reggae beat that has a distinctive African cast.
Calling himself an African Rasta, Blondy creates Jah-centred anthems promoting morality, love, peace, and social consciousness.
With a range that moves from sensitivity to rage over injustice, much of Blondy’s music empathises with the impoverished and those on society’s fringe.
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