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Sri Lankan expatriates in Paris, mostly Tamils who unwillingly paid kappan

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Opening a Sinhala musical show in Paris

Lankan groceries and short-lived restaurants

Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography

In this chapter I do not intend to describe all the famous tourist sights of Paris because that information is now freely available in guide books and on TV. Rather let me narrate some aspects which are likely to be of special interest to my readers. I begin with the Sri Lankan expatriate community in Paris. When I lived in Paris there were about a 100,000 Sri Lankans of all communities and descriptions living in the capital city.

Of them the majority were Tamils who had left the country because of the ethnic conflict. Most of them were from the Jaffna peninsula and had little contact with Sinhalese both in Sri Lanka and Paris. But they all needed the embassy because of visa formalities. Consequently the Sri Lankan Embassy in Rue D’Astorg had to take extraordinary safety measures while at the same time accommodating genuine requests for consular assistance.

It also meant that the Embassy had to have close links with the metropolitan police and the intelligence services which kept LTTE supporters under surveillance. Our embassy parties had more than a fair share of plain clothed policemen who were good drinkers and loved rice and curry. Due to my friendship with Ginige and Navaz I became aware of their constant interaction with the Surete or the secret service.

One of the redeeming features in this situation was that most Tamil immigrants were generally upwardly mobile and wanted to use the free education, health and social services for the betterment of their children and were generally law abiding, though paying lip service to the LTTE. This was not the case with LTTE ‘enforcers’ who extorted money from them by threatening to kill their relations who were left behind in Jaffna.

The work ethic of the Tamil expatriates was admired by the French. We could hardly go out to dinner, to the movies or to a supermarket without running into young Tamils who would gladly work double the time for half the pay. After some time most of them became friends with Sinhala and Muslim immigrants, especially because they could use them as intermediaries to get their work done at the embassy.

By the time I left Paris many enterprising Tamils had set up “Groceries” especially in the La Chapelle area even selling arrack, Vimto, Kandos chocolates and Sinhala newspapers. Others had set up travel agencies, money exchanges and telecommunications centers. Some enterprising Sinhalese also tried to enter the western business world but lacked staying power or were pulled down by their own kith and kin.

There was an ambitious young man called Galappathy from a well-known Trincomalee Sinhala family. He tried his hand at the export-import trade and was bankrupted. He escaped to Sri Lanka unable to face his debtors, especially middle aged women who had been promised big returns by him in investing their hard earned savings. He was murdered in Trinco allegedly by the LTTE.

In almost every western country I visited I found that some Sinhala expatriates established small restaurants offering Sri Lankan cuisine. In Paris there was one such cafe which was patronized by the embassy. They catered at embassy parties and at ‘danes’ for the few monks living in the city and their guest monks from nearby countries who came for sightseeing. But these cafes soon folded up due to absence of custom and internal conflicts.

On the other hand there was a restaurant run by a Tamil entrepreneur near the Elysee Palace, the residence of the President of the Republic, which served Indian food and was patronized by President Mitterand himself. It was no easy task to run a successful restaurant in Paris which is referred to as the ‘gourmet capital of the world’.

My friends Manu and Premachandra had many years ago opened a ‘Bistro’ in the Latin Quarter. It was next to the famous night club ‘Tabu’ which had featured Julitte Greco as its lead singer. Greco was the favourite of the existentialists who patronized ‘Tabu’. However that enterprise failed and the two Sinhala ‘patrons’ had to make a quick exit. But old stagers still talked nostalgically of ‘Tabu’, the legendary Juliette Greco and the small restaurant close by run by Prema and Manu which served delicious Asian food.

The expatriate Sri Lankans in Paris fell into several categories. The first group consisted of refugees who were fleeing from our armed forces or the recruiters of the LTTE. After the failed JVP insurrections many Sinhala youth fled to Europe. Tamil youths had been sent by their parents to escape recruitment by the LTTE. Many of them however were LTTE sympathizers though hiding out in western countries. The LTTE networks reached into every Tamil home to extract ‘kappan’ or extortion money which was used to fund arms purchases and propaganda efforts on behalf of the LTTE.

Many Tamils were not happy at these forced contributions but they had to grin and bear it. Another source of migration were young men and women who had befriended French tourists and had been brought over as aides or housemaids. A few of them were a part of gay rings which operated at very high levels of Parisian society. These ‘gay rings’ had penetrated many major institutions including UNESCO.

I was surprised to see several youngsters from Colombo working as office boys in UNESCO, World Bank and other important international institutions. Most other young people found jobs as drivers, cooks, waiters and other middle grade professionals, married French girls and settled down to a comfortable life. Later they banded themselves into local branches of Sri Lankan political parties and were happy to fraternize with politicians of various hues who visited Paris for both business and pleasure.

The Catholic Church sponsored refugees from the Catholic belt. This was not as prevalent in France as in Italy where large numbers of migrants from Wennappuwa, Wattala, Chilaw and Negombo found refuge not only in Rome and Milan but also in almost every small township. It gave me great pleasure when our friends from Italy visiting us in Paris for their holidays identified themselves as coming from Venice, Verona, Rome, Milan or Tuscany that we first learnt of while studying Shakespeare’s Italian tragedies in school and University.

Some even came from Pompei which had, according to our school text books, been destroyed in the ancient past by an erupting volcano. It was nature’s come uppance to the venal Pompian rulers. When corrupt French politicians reached the end of their tenure they were compared to those in the “last days of Pompeii.”

Paris Vihara

Whether Buddhist, Hindu or Catholic, expatriates tend to congregate in their respective religious centres. The Catholics had many churches in all parts of Paris. The most famous were the Notre Dame and the Sacre Coeur which were both tourist sites as well as functioning churches. The Sacre Coeur for instance was full of lighted candles asking for mundane favours. This practice was well known to me as my first girlfriend in Kandy was a devout Catholic who sought many favours from her church in Aniwatte Kandy, in particular to pass her ‘O’ levels. As I have described in the first volume of my autobiography, unfortunately God did not answer her prayers and she failed the exam and was whisked away to Colombo where there was no church nearby.

Sri Lankan…

For a long time Paris did not have a Sinhala Buddhist Vihara. There were many Thai, Cambodian and Vietnamese Temples which were patronized by the early Sinhalese residents in the city as well as by our embassy. The icon of Theravada Buddhist learning in Paris was Bhikku Walpola Rahula who was the world’s best exponent of Buddhism to the West. He lived in a small flat in Rue Lumosine, researched at the Sorbonne and was paid a stipend as a researcher at the CNRS – The National Centre for Research studies.

He was not interested in pastoral duties and kept away from Buddhist ceremonial. He did not interact with most of his countrymen in Paris. In my earlier visits to Paris in the seventies I would visit him as I was a friend of his nephews –the Hettigodas of Siddhalepa fame. Later I visited Rahula with my friend Wickreme Weerasooria, in London, when the former was convalescing in his nephew’s residence after heart surgery.

When Rahula came back to Paris I visited him to chat and share a cup of tea. I brought him vintage Sri Lankan teas as he loved to drink tea [‘The Sri Lankaise’ in French] which he himself brewed in a pot in his small kitchen. An extremely affable, polite and forthright cleric Rahula was one of my favourite Sri Lankans. Following Rahula’s footsteps was Kosgoda Sobhita, a Ceylon University graduate and Pali scholar.

Before he left for Paris, Sobhita interacted with me in Colombo as he was a university friend of Siri Gunasinghe and Austin Jayawardene, my closest friends at that time. In fact it was Austin and I who drove Sobhita to Katunayake when he emplaned for Paris. During my stay in Paris he was a regular visitor to my home for ‘dane’. He too lived in a small flat near the Sorbonne and worked at the CNRS as a Buddhist scholar.

Also at the CNRS at that time was Jinadasa Liyanaratchi who was my contemporary at Peradeniya. As a Sinhala, Pali and French scholar Jinadasa was translating Sinhala manuscripts into French and English. Since both my wife and I were his contemporaries we would take a train to the suburbs to visit him and his family. He had married a French girl who was an admirer of all things oriental. The conversation among the ladies was mostly about the virtues of vegetarianism.

When my wife was the Charge de Affaires at the Embassy she hired Jinadasa as a translator in her office. All these intellectual Buddhist scholars had nothing to do with the religious rites and rituals that were badly missed by the growing number of Sinhala Buddhist expatriates in Paris and its suburbs. The Sinhala Buddhist expatriates hankered after all those Buddhist ceremonials that were familiar to them in their villages.

Given the culture shock of settling down in Paris the Buddhist temple went a long way in enriching their lives. Led by two of my close associates, Abeyratne, the embassy chauffeur who had been plucked out of his Kegalle village and transplanted in Paris by Tissa Wijeratne who was the Ambassador during Mrs. Bandaranaike’s regime, and Pitigala, a multitasking driver in the Saudi Embassy hailing from Matugama, an effort was made to find a building to house a Buddhist temple to cater to the pastoral needs of the local Buddhist community.

A house was found close to Le Bourgeot airport. The sponsors of the temple had also found a pleasant young priest from the deep south named Parawehera Chandraratna to come over and take residence in the makeshift temple [He is now the Mahanayake of the Malwatte chapter for France]. The first contributions to the temple fund were made by Ananda Guruge and me. But true to form the sponsors began to quarrel among themselves and the monk had to find refuge In a Thai Temple.

After some time other premises close by was donated by a French worshipper and the temple, now reborn as the International Centre for Buddhist studies, reopened with a wider following. When Ananda Guruge became the ambassador the Centre was given official recognition and today it is a popular meeting place for the expatriate Sinhala Buddhists and especially for their wives and children.

UNESCO and CNRS have been havens for Buddhist scholars and with Wesak being officially recognized by the UN, good relations have been established by the Buddhists with these international organizations. Every Wesak our embassy in Paris sponsors a ceremony at UNESCO headquarters which is well attended both by the Buddhists of Paris and the ambassadors of the Buddhist countries in France. Sinhala monks in their yellow robes are now seen wandering along the corridors of UNESCO. But none of them have beenable to match the erudition of Rahula and Sobhita.



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People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

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BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

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Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

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In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

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The perfect victim: How institutions respond

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Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

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