Opinion
South Asian Regional Conference on State of Higher Education 2026 and Education Diplomacy
On the 15January 2026, the ‘Dhaka Declaration’ was adopted with eight strategic commitments, aimed at building a stable, inclusive, innovative and globally acceptable higher education system in the South Asian region at the third South Asian Regional Conference on State of Higher Education (SARCHE), 2026.
Advisors of the interim government, vice-chancellors of different public and private universities, scholars, researchers and diplomats were present at the third SARCHE 2026 Conference in Dhaka, emphasising the paramount importance of Education diplomacy.
The Nobel Laureate, Chief Adviser of the government, Professor Muhammad Yunus on 12th January 2026 inaugurated a three-day South Asian regional conference on higher education in Dhaka. The conference titled “South Asian Regional Conference on State of Higher Education and Future Pathway (SARCHE 2026)” organised by the Bangladesh government and World Bank funded Higher Education Acceleration and Transformation (HEAT) Project of the University Grants Commission (UGC) of Bangladesh.
Prof. Yunus’s call
Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus, has called upon the academics to align the education system with the youths’ expectations and aspirations and stressed on revival of the SAARC to enhance regional academic cooperation. “Today, I feel very excited that academics at the highest level could get together in Dhaka. It’s important that this is Dhaka. I hope you will have a chance to kind of review of the things that have happened in Dhaka in the past few months,” he said, referring to post-2024 July Uprising events in Bangladesh. Prof Yunus said review of those events will clarify what university education and education as a whole are really about, adding, this should be the core subject of discussion at the gathering.Highlighting the role of students in the 2024 uprising, he said, “Who are these young people that we are dealing with? They have their own mind. They stood up and raised their voices and brought down the ugliest fascist regime you could ever think of given their lives”.The Chief Adviser made the remarks while addressing the inaugural ceremony of the three-day “South Asian Regional Conference on State of Higher Education and Future Pathway (SARCHE 2026)” at a city hotel in Dhaka, Bangladesh. A total of 30 international representatives, including delegates from the United Kingdom, the Maldives, Malaysia, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka as well as representatives from the World Bank were represented in the event.”It would be a missed opportunity if you don’t spend some time on understanding what they did a few months back in this very city. What was their expectation? What was their aspiration? Why did they stand up in front of guns and give their lives knowingly it will happen,” the Chief Adviser said.To reflect the students’ motivation behind joining the uprising, he referred to school student Shaheed Shahriar Khan Anas’s letter, which he wrote to his mother before embracing the martyrdom, stating that it was his duty to take to the street with his friends, who were subjected to state-sponsored crackdown.Noting that the event was not a sudden outburst, Prof Yunus said it happened in Sri Lanka and in Nepal too, but it happened in a bigger way in Dhaka.
WB thanked for organisng event
He thanked the World Bank for organizing the conference, saying, “This was our responsibility to organize, but we failed. The World Bank has to step into make it happen”.Organizing such gatherings was part of the responsibility under the South Asian Association for Region-al Cooperation (SAARC), the Chief Adviser said, adding, but the SAARC as a word has been forgotten and “that’s a shame on us”. “This was supposed to be the idea of SAARC that we get together and make exchanges and learn from each other,” he said, noting his efforts since he has taken the responsibility as the Chief Adviser to revive the SAARC. “I am repeatedly reminding that we must get back to SAARC. That’s where our family belongs to. And I will not give up repeating that appeal to the governments of the region,” Prof Yunus said,Speaking about the forthcoming national elections and the referendum on February 12, he said the uprising tore everything apart and that the young people created their own July Charter to undo what the country was stuck with.
Referendum on Constitution
Chief Adviser said there would be a referendum to decide what the future constitution of Bangladesh should be, because they believed the root of the problems lay in the constitution. He said those issues were not taught in classrooms and questioned where universities stood in this reality. Noting that the young people have now formed their own political party, Prof Yunus said, “I’m sure some of them will get elected. “He called on educators to reflect on what education and university education should be in this very different world, warning that old ways of doing things are self-destructing and that change must happen quickly, just as the youth acted quickly during the July and August uprising.”So this is one issue, I hope this will be taken up seriously in this gathering where we are, what is being missed, how we can run and be in the front, rather than falling behind,” the Chief Adviser said.
He then said that the education system was not appropriate because it is job-oriented, adding, the system is designed around the idea that students must become suitable for jobs, and “If he or she fails to take a job, we think failure on the part of that student, not us”.Prof Yunus questioned whether the purpose of education is to prepare people for the job market. Human beings are not born as slaves and that each human being is a free person, he said, adding, jobs come from the tradition of slavery, where people work under orders for pay, which he equated with slavery.Stating that the young people who marched on the state refused to be slaves, he said, “So, what kind of education that you will be giving? This is a question I raise with you. You may dismiss it. You may pause for a while. But this is my point. Should we continue this education to create slaves? Turning creative beings into slaves, that’s a criminal job”. Prof Yunus said he translated creativity into entrepreneurship and argued that education should teach young people to be entrepreneurs rather than job seekers. He said young people should be told they are job creators and agents of change, driven by imagination, adding that imagination is the essence of human beings, and that people are born with enormous imagi-native power, which drove the youth to give their lives for the vision of a new Bangladesh.
Besides, representatives of UGCs and higher education commissions from SAARC member countries, vice-chancellors of universities from different countries, academicians and researchers took part in the conference.
Aim of the conference
According to the UGC, Bangladesh the conference has been organised aimed at elevating higher education in Bangladesh to a new height and further strengthen the UGC network among SAARC countries.
A total of eight sessions were held over the three-day conference. Emphasizing on “The Current State of Higher Education in South Asia: Governance, Quality and Inclusion” and “Research, Innovation, Sustainability and Social Engagement, Artificial Intelligence (AI) Integration, Digital Transformation and Smart Learning Ecosystems”, “Increasing Employment for Graduates and Industry–Academia collaboration”, “Future Pathways of Higher Education: Cooperation, Solidarity and Networking, “Stakeholder Dialogue on Higher Education Transformation: Voices of Civil Society”, and “Dialogue with Vice-Chancellors: the Context of the HEAT Project, gender issues in higher education will be held while the conference l ended following the adoption of the “Dhaka Higher Education Declaration”.
UGC, Bangladesh warns against fake foreign university branches in Bangladesh. Reports in various media outlets have highlighted several foreign universities, institutes are running unauthorized branch campuses, tutorial centers, and study centers across the country. The University Grants Commission (UGC) has cautioned students and parents against enrolling in three unauthorized foreign universities reportedly operating branch campuses in Bangladesh. According to the commission, American World University, USA; Trinity University, USA; and the Spiritual Institute of New York (State University) have no government or UGC approval to conduct academic activities in the country.
On the other hand, higher education has considered as a strategic necessity for the Maldives and called for enhanced regional cooperation, industry – academia collaboration, and impact – oriented research to support inclusive growth and resilience across the region.
While Pakistan has reached its greater heights in implementation of their AI policy, World bank is acting as a strong partner in developing these endeavors of regional partners.
Lessons to be learnt
We as a country has spent huge amount of expenditure in higher education, grants and research endeavors where majority of them have took place in western academic scenario. Our attitude as Sri Lankans do not wish to learn from regional partners and we highly embrace western based cultures and their development, while regional partners have emerged beyond Sri Lanka. Very few academia is passionately engaged in development initiatives while majority have violated bonds and residing in overseas lavishly having used government expenditure which should have spent on the public wellbeing of this Country. I wonder how many governments should take control of this paradise isle to understand this reality, still we are grappling with 17 universities under the Universities act with very few international student recruitments. The case of other State Universities cannot cater the increasing local demand as they need to keep their standards. In such a scenario admission of international students and their increasing demands are questionable? Our immigration do not facilitate as a separate compartment to facilitate international student recruitment like in Malaysia.
The government enacted the Private University Act in Bangladesh in 1992 and replaced in 2010. These laws were enacted to enable private universities to supplement the governments efforts in meeting the growing demand for higher education. Under the Act, private individuals, groups and philanthropic organizations are permitted to establish and operate self -financed, degree-awarding universities by fulfilling prescribed conditions. Due to rapid increase, the 2010 Act introduced Stricker provisions focused on quality assurance, accountability and good governance. It mandates statutory bodies such as Board of trustees, Syndicate and Academic Council and clearly defines their roles and responsibilities. The Vice chancellor serves as the chief executive and academic officer of the university and is the ex-officio member the Board of Trustees. The honorable president of Bangladesh act as the chancellor of all private universities and appoint key officials upon recommendations of the Board of trustees. The Act also mandates establishment of an accreditations council to ensure quality assurance UGC supervises and monitors private universities on behalf of the Ministry of Education, approves academic programs, curricula, prescribe minimum faculty qualifications and requires transparency through annual audited financial reporting.
However, many decades have gone and the Transnational education specifically in higher education in Sri Lanka is a struggle of Authority and Power. Many of the view that the Ministry of Higher Education does not cater the entire gamut of private Higher Education Institutes operating in Sri Lanka and do not address public issues. While UGC alone handles many of the public issues even in the transnational education with no authority in non-state sector. Hence, proper enactments under one umbrella need to be empowered for the sake of public. Sri Lankan practice is the Committees appointed to address public issues does not have genuine interest or knowledge to serve this sector rather depend on benefits derived.
Therefore, SARCHE 2026 has opened eyes of Sri Lanka on how the private sector should have healthy competition with public sector, while contributing massively to strengthen the economy.
Transnational Education in Sri Lanka
According to British Council reports on transnational Education,20224 and the SAARC regional Coordinator for the British Council was of the view that Sri Lanaka does not maintain a official repository for transnational education. The Company registrar or the Board of investment do not have a official repository which serves only for higher education purpose. There is no regulatory authority to address the agency problem engaged in transnational education where finally many have reported as unethical business practices.
While India, Pakistan, Maldives and Bangladesh massively invest on Transnational education to strengthen their economies we still do not have a national plan to address this with a regulatory mechanism with proper licensing, listing for Agents to operate in Sri Lanka in order to mitigate Education fraud.
Conclusion
There was a time when students who could not secure admissions to public universities turned to private universities as a last option. That really has changed significantly. Today, many students who qualify for public universities still choose private universities because they do not get admission to their preferred subjects. The primary reason is the freedom to study the subject of their choice. However, in Sri Lanka very few private entities provides a truly a university experience. While regional partners have improved beyond 100 in establishing private universities, still private public partnership in those countries are very best examples for Sri Lanka. According to the UGC,2023 Annual report there were 341,000 students enrolled across 110 private universities in Bangladesh, now has increased to 170 according to SARCHE,2026.
Pakistan maintains best examples of Artificial Intelligence models with World Bank Funding to their University System. University Business linkages in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh provide strong examples in Transfer of Technology. While Maldives will cater for the next round of SAARC conference on the state of higher education. They invite Sri Lanka along with regional partners for preparation of qualification framework with mutual recognition of qualifications with credit transfer facility. The “Dhaka declaration of Higher Education “was adopted at the SARCHE 2026, It intend to cooperate with regional partners in many aspects in Higher Education. With these concluding remarks it is high time to consider different aspects of higher education in the proposed reforms.
By Dr. Janadari Wijesinghe
It was with shock that I realized that the article in the Sunday Island of April 5 about the winsome graduate gazing serenely at her surroundings was, in fact, an obituary about Nilanthi Jayasinghe, a former colleague who I had held in high esteem. I had lost touch with Nilanthi since my retirement and this news that she had passed away, saddened me deeply
I knew and had worked with Nilanthi – Mrs Jayasinghe as we used to call her – at the Open University of Sri Lanka in the 1990s. As Director, Operations, she was a figure that we as heads of academic departments, relied on; a central bastion of the complex structure that underpinned academic activities at Sri Lanka’s major distance education provider. Few people realize what it takes to provide distance education in an environment not geared to this form of teaching/learning – the volume of Information that has to be created, printed and delivered; the variety of timetables that have to be scheduled; the massive amount of continuous assessment assignments and tests that have to be prepared and sent out; the organization of a multitude of face-to face teaching sessions; the complex scheduling of examinations and tests – all this needed to be attended to for a student population of more than 20,000 and for 23 centres of study dotted across Sri Lanka.
It was an unenviable task but Nilanthi Jayasinghe with her flair for organization, handled it all with aplomb and a deep sense of commitment. If there were delays and inconclusive action on our part, she never reprimanded but would work with us to sort things out. Her work as Director, Operations brought her into contact with staff across the spectrum-from the Vice-Chancellor to the apprentice in the Open University’s Printing Press. Nilanthi treated everyone with dignity and as a result, was respected by all at the university. She was sensitive, kind-hearted, a good friend who would readily share problems and help to solve them. The year NIlanthi retired, I was out of the island. When I came back to the Open University, I felt bereft without the steadfast support of her stalwart presence .
The article in the ‘Sunday Island’ describes her life after retirement, looking after family members and enjoying the presence of a granddaughter.
After a lifetime of commitment to others, Nilanthi Jayasinghe truly deserved this happiness.
May she be blessed with peace.
Ryhana Raheem
Professor Emeritus
Open University of Sri Lanka.
James Mather (Selvan to all of us) who passed away recently at the age of 95 was one of the leading Chartered Accountants in the country. He was the senior partner of Ernst and Young for long years, and the mentor for a generation of chartered accountants. He was confidante and adviser to many of the leading businessmen of his time. His career spanned over six decades. A man who never sought the limelight, he was very influential in Ceylon/Sri Lanka’s business world.
Selvan Mather was born in 1930 to a well-known Christian family in Jaffna. His father, Rev. James Mather was Head of the Methodist Church in Ceylon. Selvan was educated at Trinity College Kandy, and he had a life-long connection with the school. He entered the University of Ceylon in the late 1940s, at a time when Ivor Jennings was Vice-Chancellor.
He read economics and passed out with an honours degree. For short periods he was in the Department of Income Tax and with the newly established Central Bank of Ceylon. The Central Bank facilitated him to go to England to qualify as a chartered accountant. His two referees, when seeking admission to an accountancy firm in the U.K. were M.D.H. Jayawardena, then Minister of Finance and the Auditor General of Ceylon, L.A. Weerasinghe. Being a chartered accountant was a rare event those days.
On his return from England, his career was with Ernst and Young where he became senior partner. He was close advisor and confidante to many of the leading businessmen. He was admitted to its Hall of Fame by the Institute of Chartered Accountants.
To strike a personal note, I got to know him 50 years ago when he applied for a fellowship given by the Asian Productivity Organisation (APO) in Tokyo. I was in the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs at the time, and the Ministry was handling APO affairs in Colombo. He told me later that he enjoyed his time in Tokyo. From that time, we kept up a friendship with him and Nelun, which lasted 50 years.
My wife, Rukmal, and I lived in Windsor England, for about 25 years. During that time, Nelun and Selvan were regular visitors to England. I remember taking him for long walks in Windsor Great Park, and on the grounds of Eton College which were nearby. We went on long car tours in England covering the Cotswolds, the Peak districts and the Potteries. I remember celebrating Selvan’s 70th birthday in London at a Greek restaurant, along with his great friends, Nihal and Doreen Vitarana. Memories remain, although Selvan is no more.
In the last decades of his life we saw Nelun and him often. A few of us, Manik de Silva, Nihal and Srima Seneviratne and a few others met regulsrly for lunch. We will all miss Selvan who was mine of his life and times very much.
Selvan leaves his wife Nelun and three children and their husbands – Rohan, Shyamala and Indi, and Rehana and Akram. It was a close-knit family and they will miss him.
Leelananda De Silva.
Broader Strategic Consequences
One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.
Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.
The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.
A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system
The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.
The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.
The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.
Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.
Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.
However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.
Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon
History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.
European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.
by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)
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