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Solving the crisis: Step 1

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A file photo of the recent protest near the President’s private residence

BY DR. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

The situation is deadlocked: The People’s Movement correctly demands that GR GO HOME; GR will not go home; the Movement will not go home either.

Since the President will not resign, the Parliament can cut the ground from under him while he still sits in his Presidential chair.

The Parliament must become the engine of the transition, drawing its social power from the democratic Civic Movement and becoming the instrument of the collective political will of society.

This is how President GR who will not transition out, can be transitioned down; downsized, miniaturised:

Abolish or strip the 20th Amendment of excessive powers.

Tweak the 19th Amendment to avoid the debilitating dysfunctionalities of the past and substitute it for the 20th amendment.

This can be done with a two-thirds majority.

Once the 20th Amendment is abolished or downsised and the 19th Amendment is re-set and rebooted, it should be possible to:

Install an all-party or multi-party interim/provisional administration.

Such an administration can negotiate with the IMF to stabilise the economy and take the pressure off the people, while safeguarding the rights and living standards of the people.

It can facilitate early elections at Presidential, Parliamentary and Provincial levels so the country can re-start with a clean slate.

The methodology should not be to strive for a result which any one party is happy with. There should be no unnecessary wrangling. The methodology should be one that gets to the goal.

The goal should be to obtain the two-thirds majority in as few days as possible (set a tight deadline; work continuously), and implement this solution before the regime sends in the tanks and there is blood running freely in the streets outside.

Once achieved, the wholly legitimate objection of the Opposition to serving under an autocratic Gotabaya Rajapaksa would be no longer be relevant and they can play the role people expect them to.

This will come closest to complying with the demands the people of Sri Lanka, and Sri Lankans around the world in the Diaspora, speaking with one voice, effectively exercising their sovereignty as enshrined in the Constitution.

A Political Transition

The only meaningful discussion today is the discussion on a political transition.

It is now a Mexican standoff in the Indian Ocean. We are in a seemingly intractable situation. The finest political thinker of late modernity, Antonio Gramsci, described such situations such as the current one by the term “catastrophic equilibrium…an equilibrium of forces tending towards catastrophe.”

We learn as schoolkids that an irresistible force meeting an immovable object, results in explosion.

The irresistible force is the “whole of society” civic movement, or simply, The Movement, which has gone to the root of the problem, and demands the removal of the autocrat. Though some argue that the ‘real’ problem is economic, those who are suffering most from the economic calamity understand that the country needs a fresh start; a reset for a re-boot.

Contrary to the neoliberal local pundits, The Hindu Editorial of April 6th refers to the Movement in Sri Lanka as a “political revolution”. The Movement has a simple, clear, strong slogan, GOTA GO HOME!

In the present case, the immovable object is President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who refuses to resign in a catastrophic context in which any decent, self-respecting leader in any other country would have done so.

Instead, he is in a bunker mode, digging in, while the vast majority of the entirety of the populace is against him. He has only one source of political support, the bulk of the SLPP MPs. That reckoning does not include their vote base which seems to have evaporated. The SLPP cannot even muster a single mass demonstration anywhere in the country in support of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s continued incumbency. At best they can muster a cluster of supporters to defend their residences.

The last card in President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s deck is the military (together with the STF). I venture to suggest that it is also his ex-military brothers-in-arms, and a few members of the currently serving brass, who are reinforcing his decision to stay.

Taking in the present state of manifest, active discontent focused precisely at the President, discontent that extends to almost every Sri Lankan community on the planet including Estonia, is it at all possible for any rational mind to imagine a scenario in which President Gotabaya Rajapaksa can maintain the status quo, remain in office for the rest of his term? I certainly cannot.

Judging by the Chief Government Whip Johnston Fernando’s discourse, Camp GR seems to think that the status quo can hold simply by saying NO, standing its ground and forcefully pushing back. The dangerous official discourse is already suggesting without supporting evidence that the Movement is driven by a dangerously subversive agenda of the JVP, which is, of course, the same lie that Minister Ananda Tissa de Alwis uttered in 1983, accusing the JVP of Black July and proscribing it, making inevitable the horrendous Southern Civil War of the late 1980s.

A Military Solution?

Voltaire said “if we believe absurdities, we shall commit atrocities”. As the contemporary colloquialism goes, if you are a hammer, every problem looks like a nail.

For the military mindset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and those closest to him, those he relies on, behind the Civic Movement is a violent revolutionary attempt by the JVP and the FSP, i.e., a security threat. By ‘securitising’ a social, political and economic problem, the militarist GR bloc will inevitably arrive at a hyper-securitised, militaristic solution. There may be a military crackdown and an ensuing induction of the military into rulership.

My readers may recall my alarm when in 2020 with the onset of Covid-19 and the scheduled parliamentary election, the hardliners of Team GR openly denounced elections, called for the Parliament to be shut down, the postponement of elections for five years and worst of all, rule by the President with the Armed Forces. For the militarist Far-Right, that was Plan A, not Plan B. In the context of the challenge from the unarmed Civic Revolution, that Plan A which probably was shelved as Plan B, may now be dusted-off for implementation.

If activated, it may cause some temporary disruption, but will generate a far worse problem. Militarists may think that provoking the Civic Movement into armed resistance will make it easier to destroy, but the Sri Lankan situation today is quite specific. The economy is collapsing and the only way for it to even begin to stop its deadfall is to put out a good news story of the President’s resignation and the departure of the Rajapaksas. Since that won’t happen, any repression of the vast protest Movement will only cause the economy to hit rock bottom because repression will trigger a General Strike and an uprising.

When that resistance is bloodily suppressed, the economy will be wrecked, the ruler will have an angry populace of all social classes, races and religions, to rule over. Already, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa no longer has any “soft power”, that which Prof Joseph Nye described as the power of a narrative to persuade and attract. He only retains “hard power”. If he deploys that hard power in the irreversible absence of soft power, he will lose every last shred of legitimacy, have to make an economy work, run a country, secure compliance from a bitter citizenry and survive a firestorm of global denunciation leading to sanctions.

Cumulatively it is a recipe for a violent revolution, waged mainly by youth from the working people and the older working people themselves, supported by an awakened educated youth and parents from the privileged classes. This time a guerrilla war will be sustainable in the countryside and the cities, eventually leading to an armed insurrection of the whole nation, and the bloody overthrow of the regime and the entire political, social and economic order. Think the overthrow of the Somoza oligarchy and the defeat of the National Guard (the military) by the Sandinistas of Nicaragua in 1979. I would normally applaud but I have seen far too much bloodshed and destruction in my 65 years.

What of Abolition?

The goal of ‘Gota Go Home’ cannot be achieved soon enough to resolve the present crisis, by calling for abolishing the Executive Presidency as the Leader of the Opposition suggested, because that would not secure the support of the numerically all-important 40 dissidents including the SLFP, and would almost certainly require a Referendum (notwithstanding Jayampathy Wickremaratne’s opinion).

The ‘abolition’ solution poses a more serious risk. Any student of democratic transitions knows that the armed forces must be brought on board or at least neutralised or else the hawks succeed in enlisting them to abort a peaceful democratic transition. If the Sri Lankan armed forces feel that the executive presidency is about to abolished while Provincial Councils remain standing in the Constitution (as they should), thereby enfeebling the strong center– a strong state— and encouraging centrifugalism, it will be more likely to intervene against the democratic Social Movement.

The quickest and best solution is to do what’s immediately possible within the existing Parliament and Constitution to establish political stability by neutralising 20A, rationalising 19A and establishing an interim/provisional administration in order to begin to achieve economic stability. (I must add that my personal recommendation for Finance Minister –athrough the National List—would be the head of the think-tank Verite, Dr Nishan de Mel, who warned against the last debt repayment without restructuring, alerting that there will be no money left over to pay for essentials.) After that, the process of exercising the people’s sovereignty and making their sovereign choices through Presidential, Parliamentary and Provincial elections, can begin.



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How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US

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Jesse Jackson / Barack Obama

On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.

If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.

The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.

Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’

It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.

Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.

However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.

The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.

From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.

The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.

However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.

Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.

However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.

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Grown: Rich remnants from two countries

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Mirissa (Image courtesy Wikivoyage)

Whispers of Lanka

I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.

I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.

To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.

The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.

Life changes

Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.

My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.

Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!

Settling in Sydney

We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.

We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.

Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,”  this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.

Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!

Caught between two cultures

We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.

We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.

Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.

The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.

Technology

They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers.  Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.

I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.

Living in Australia

Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”

Nostalgia

After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.

For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.”  Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year.  At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.

 by Siri Ipalawatte

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Big scene for models…

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Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.

Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.

Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.

On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal

This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.

The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.

Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.

The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.

An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently

Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.

Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.

It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.

Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.

Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,

They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.

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