Features
Small states’ foreign policy dilemmas heighten
Small states such as Sri Lanka ought to be currently learning afresh the acute discomforts of remaining in a state of obligation to extra-regional powers in particular. While Sri Lanka could be said to be in the process of exploring, with a degree of apprehension, inter-state policy adjustments with regard to China, since it is relatively recently that the latter achieved big power status, the same does not go for Sri Lanka’s relations with the US.
While it is true that China has been Sri Lanka’s ‘all weather friend’, the current international economic situation ought to impress on Sri Lanka the dilemmas and risks of being over-dependent on China for its economic sustenance and infrastructure development in particular. Following a high-powered Chinese delegation’s visit to Sri Lanka a week ago, media reports said that Sri Lanka would shortly sign an agreement with China to obtain a US $ 500 million concessionary loan from her. This is welcome financial assistance considering Sri Lanka’s present economic problems, particularly in the wake of the COVID-19 Second Wave. Needless to say, Sri Lanka’s economic vulnerabilities are most glaring currently and the Chinese financial assistance would be seen by Sri Lanka as a ‘God-send’.
One could argue that there’s nothing particularly noteworthy in such gestures of support by China towards Sri Lanka, considering the long history of multi-faceted cooperation between the countries, but from the viewpoint of international politics, this is a most interesting time for South Asia and the Chinese goodwill measure should not be viewed superficially. For, big power involvement in the region is currently on the upswing and Realpolitik considerations in the Chinese gesture cannot be ruled out.
In this connection, the news that US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo would be soon in Sri Lanka as well for top level talks is thought-provoking. It is happening hot on the heels of the visit by the Chinese government notables to Sri Lanka and is no coincidence. A stepped-up ‘scramble’ for influence in Sri Lanka on the part of the big powers in question seems to be very much on.
Needless to say, Sri Lanka will be most accommodative of the US. It has no choice but to follow a conciliatory policy line with regard to the US because it cannot afford to antagonize the latter. This is so particularly in these COVID-19 Second Wave times when Sri Lanka’s economic vulnerabilities have dramatically intensified. Moreover, the hard truth should have been realized by Sri Lanka’s policy and decision-making elite and others who matter that Sri Lanka has been linked to the US by a multiplicity of neo-colonial binds over the decades. It would be naive on the part of local opinion to think otherwise. The same applies to Sri Lanka’s relations with other major powers of the West. Neo-colonialism cannot be wished away.
The above perceptions are equally applicable to the rest of the vulnerable of the global South. They would be compelled to follow a conciliatory policy line with all who wield economic, political and military clout in the current world order. Economic survival in the main dictates this course and it would be foolish to have pretensions to absolute independence in foreign policy decision-making.
Considering this backdrop, it would be naive to argue that Sri Lanka could easily avoid signing the MCC agreement and other such controversial instruments that have been featuring in US-Sri Lanka relations over the years. The unbearable ‘heat’ that was generated in Sri Lankan political circles over these accords in the recent past would probably be of no avail. In fact, the ‘heat’ has, strangely, abated. Such are the dire effects of dependence.
Giving much food for the thought is the inking of a Security Relations Agreement between the US and the Maldives and stepped-up moves by the US to facilitate a peace accord between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Of note is the fact that India too is featuring in these peace moves as a major facilitator. It is plain that the US in particular is keen on stepping-up its influence in this part of the world and it is bound to be taking into consideration a strengthening alliance between Pakistan and China.
Likewise, the US would be doing its utmost to contain and balance Sri Lanka’s hitherto warm ties with China. In all the above situations, the small states concerned have no choice but to act in accord with the US and India in view of the considerable power they wield in the region’s affairs.
Unfortunately for the poor of the global South, they don’t possess a strong collective organization that could make their voice and presence matter in the affairs of the world currently. Organizations such as NAM could fill this breach but they would need to prove their collective strength and establish that it would be in the big powers’ interests to pay heed to them and cooperate with them in their efforts to advance the well being of the vulnerable of the South. An exceptionally vibrant role is expected of these Southern groupings.
However, the foregoing observations should not be seen as tantamount to declaring that the vulnerable of the South have no choice but to cave-in to the influence and power of major states. This is clearly not the case. It is a paradox of these hard times for all that although seemingly weak, the poor possess the potential to be a power to be reckoned with in the affairs of the present international political and economic order, provided they muster their collective strength and unitedly advance their cause among the powerful.
The South counts not only because it has the strength of numbers. It is also because continuous Northern well being is dependent on the sustained economic strength of the South. The paradox referred to consists in the fact that both hemispheres, North and South, are mutually sustaining. The complex economic interdependence of both halves rules out the possibility of one half going it alone, in economic terms, at the expense of the other. To the extent to which the North helps the South to be economically strong, to the same degree would it be helping itself.
Features
Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
Features
Talento … oozing with talent
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
Features
Special milestone for JJ Twins
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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