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Sirisena’s constitutional coup and SLFP in crisis

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Canvassing for SLFP in Eastern Province with Karuna’s sister

“Kandy district UNP MP hiding in the toilet at Sirisena’s residence”

The alliance between the UNP and Sirisena, brokered by CBK, was not likely to succeed though the latter tried his best to bring in the SLFP as a partner. While he could persuade a coterie to join him Sirisena was not successful in taking over the party fully as the Rajapaksas still had a hold on it. As a result he had to blow hot and cold – sometimes abusing the Rajapaksas and at other times conspiring with them to undercut the UNP. This suited MR and his group fine as they could play for time and also send a subliminal message to the officers of state that they were still in contention and therefore had to be treated with kid gloves.

Sirisena and the SLFP Central Committee faced a dilemma when Basil engineered the formation of another party – the SLPP with the “Pohottuwa” as its symbol. Both in and out of Parliament this party commanded the majority of SLFPers thus putting Sirisena and his rump SLFP Cabinet ministers in an unenviable position.

The SLFP Central Committee which met every week was in a quandary as to the action that should be taken about its members who were allying themselves with increasing frequency with the new party. As to be expected, SLFP MPs were at first reluctant to make the “long jump”. At the first public meeting of “Mahinda Sulanga” only Dilum (Amunugama) got onto the stage while others, who later became vociferous speakers for the SLPP, were seen hiding amidst the crowd.

This created a dilemma for the SLFP CC because nobody was willing to take disciplinary action against those early birds who were straying from the flock. Once the fear of expulsion, and consequent loss of their seat in Parliament, was ruled out the trickle of defectors became a flood. If CBK remained she could have given leadership to the anti-Pohottuwa fight back but she had retired hurt after Sirisena had moved out of her orbit.

With Chairman Xi Jinping in Beijing. Ranil Wickremesinghe looks on

This situation created much heartburn for the SLFP regulars because they had to fight the local government election without the cooperation of the SLPP which fought this election on their own. At first we were confident that with our resources we could give a fight under the new scheme of selecting a higher number rural councillors. But we soon discovered that the majority of our party supporters were backing the SLPP because they could not approve of an alliance with the UNP, especially after the “Bond scam”.

For instance, we lost the Tumpane Pradeshiya Sabha which we held ever since I joined the SLFP. I had to face the embarrassment of several of my proteges returning to the Sabha from an opposing camp. It was a clear indication that we were going to face a difficult situation in the forthcoming Presidential election for which Gotabaya was being promoted by varying groups – within the political spectrum and outside – with great enthusiasm.

External Affairs

This was a Ministry which was considered a plum position in the pecking order of the Cabinet. My appointment meant that I would enter that rare “club” of politicians who had held both portfolios of Finance and Foreign Affairs. [I must admit however that the latter position was held by me only for a short time.] The new MR administration was controversial to say the least. It did not command a majority in the House as the UNPers were livid about losing power as a result of a conspiracy after winning the Parliamentary election in 2015.

They were seeking to induce seven MPs to crossover to their side to secure an absolute majority. On the other hand the blatant efforts of SB Dissanayake and his coterie to buy up disgruntled UNPers to ensure a Pohottuwa-SLFP majority were rebuffed. Not a single UNP MP crossed over despite SB’s frantic efforts, thereby making President Sirisena, who had been assured of a majority by the conspirators, look foolish indeed.

In the meanwhile Ranil refused to give up his position and entrenched himself at Temple Trees thereby creating two power centres. We received information that though Ranil originally planned to accept the coup and retire he was pressurized by activists like Patali Champika Ranawaka and Rajitha Senaratne to hang on and petition the Supreme Court to declare Sirisena’s actions invalid in law. Many humorous incidents occurred during this time. Once when I went to the toilet in the President’s residence in the midst of a CC meeting, I was astonished to find a UNP MP from Kandy district hiding there.

He was waiting for our meeting to end to discuss some convenient arrangement with the President and SB Dissanayake. He pleaded with me not to give the show away. But in the end there were no takers and the new government was tottering on the brink. It is well known in intimate political circles that Ranil and MR are good friends. Despite their political differences they keep each other informed of political developments. We heard on the grapevine that Ranil was disappointed that his friend MR had not intimated to him in advance that he will be sworn in as PM by Sirisena.

Perhaps to make amends, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Dilith Jayaweera were sent on a clandestine mission to Temple Trees by Basil to assure Ranil that no violence would be used to evict him from the PM’s residence. That encouraged Ranil to hang on and await the verdict of the Supreme Court.

This dual arrangement made life difficult for us in the FO. Many ambassadors were unwilling to accept the “status quo” as the legality of that move was now questioned in the courts.

My friend the High Commissioner for India, Taranjit Singh Sandhu was in a bind since he did not want to appear to take sides. When I called all the Ambassadors for a briefing in my office he sent his deputy but telephoned me to say that he had to stay away as he had not got instructions from Delhi regarding the new situation.

I accepted an invitation to visit the Maldives for the inauguration of Mr. Soleh as President. While I and our Ambassador in Male were accorded all recognition in terms of protocol by the new government, CBK was specially invited as a state guest perhaps to balance the equation. Fortunately a problem did not arise since Nasheed – the former President and the power broker behind Soleh – was my personal friend. We had met many times at my daughter Varuni’s house. Her advertising company Triad had helped Soleh to plan his Presidential campaign.

Nasheed spent most of the celebratory evening with me and Minister Faizer Mustapha who was his personal guest. After the formal ceremony we spent the night partying in a yacht which had been commandeered by Nasheed for us with [forbidden?] drinks galore.

Foreign policy

The change of government in Sri Lanka drew world wide attention. India in particular was keen to test the waters with the new regime, especially since MR whom they suspected of being an acolyte of China, was back in the saddle. I thought it best to clear the air and gave an interview to an outstanding journalist Geeta Mohan who represented “India Today”. She wrote; “Sri Lankan foreign Minister Dr Sarath Amunugama dispelled concerns of China “taking over” a strategic port located on the southern part of the island nation and Colombo drifting into Beijing’s sphere of influence. India will always “be Sri Lanka’s” first choice” Amunugama said.

“He underlined that Sri Lanka does not want to be ‘dragged in to military and strategic interests of any country’ and that ‘Sri Lanka will protect its sovereignty’. Amunugama spoke about the Hambantota port which has been leased to a Chinese company. “No Chinese submarines can dock here. Just because we take a loan from China, it does not mean we subscribe to their strategic interests, “Amunugama told” India Today. He added, “Sri Lanka is a small country. India and Sri Lanka have been friends from time immemorial. Sri Lanka has always had and has to have good relations with India as part of its foreign policy. That is followed by every government in Sri Lanka. There might be slight nuances in practice but on the basic thrust and trajectory there cannot be any differences”.

Regarding the Colombo port development in which India was interested I told Geetha Mohan, “The port is vital for Sri Lanka because it is a transshipment port and most of the traffic goes to India. India is also developing its own ports, so we have to take a futuristic view of how to develop this port. Three parts of it are developed. The next two are the East and West terminals that are due for construction. East terminal is crucial because it is a deep water port. We all agree and our President has intimated to Indian PM Narendra Modi himself that the West terminal can be developed with Indian collaboration.

Sri Lanka is looking at developing the East terminal on its own. Nobody should infringe on the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. We are grateful to India for respecting that.” I also addressed the question of Chinese aid; “We need infrastructure development which is a mantra for progress. For that we go to IMF, World Bank, ADB and so on. The way out of the poverty trap is to have investments. That requires money. Our infrastructure projects are not all funded by China. Most are multilateral projects that require consortiums. Japan is a bigger donor than China. We cannot compromise on our sovereignty. We are glad that we started these projects early because today they cost much more.”

A few days later I got an opportunity to demonstrate our friendship with India. A high level delegation of Indian ‘wise men’ were visiting Sri Lanka on a fact finding mission. I invited them all for lunch and had a fruitful meeting.

Another innovation had been on mind from the time I was t lie Minister of Investment Promotion. I found that our career diplomats were obsessed by protocol matters since they entailed routine and did not call for much initiative on their part. They tended to pass economic matters to an official from the Trade Ministry who, though conversant with trade rules, was not very competent when it came to large scale investments. This was most unsatisfactory and this demarcation of duties into tourism, trade and investment promotion was a drag on our efforts though it made for a comfortable livelihood for the Ambassador.

Though I had little time I wanted to change this cozy, but unproductive, approach of the foreign service. Accordingly I issued a strong directive to our Ambassadors which was reported in the press as follows: “The Minister of Foreign affairs yesterday firmly stated that he would get all Sri Lankan missions overseas to promote investments in tourism, foreign employment, tea and rubber exports and FDIs. Our representatives have additional responsibilities from now on without merely performing protocol obligations. He also said that he was planning to reorient the Foreign Ministry to focus on revenue earning areas.”

False moves

While Ranil was holed up at Temple Trees with pirith broadcast over a public address system, presumably to ward off evil, President Sirisena realized that he had been taken for a ride by his advisors. They could not deliver the required majority in Parliament that they had promised him at the beginning of his constitutional coup. MR as the Prime Minister was uncomfortable as he was pilloried by the international press as being only interested in safeguarding his kith and kin from legal action. At this stage Sirisena made another false move by dissolving Parliament as this was the only way in which he could ensure a majority in the House for the rest of his term.

This move was challenged as being ultra vires to the constitution on the grounds that the President could not dissolve Parliament unless a prescribed number of months had elapsed after it was elected. A full bench of the Supreme court held with the petitioners and struck down the notification by the President calling for new elections. It was a humiliating blow to Sirisena who was obliged to dismiss the MR cabinet and install Ranil again as Prime Minister.

As PM Ranil swore in his own cabinet and we vacated our offices after a bare 53 days. It seemed like a case of musical chairs as Tilak Marapone my predecessor and friend now became my successor. I bade farewell not only to my post as Foreign Minister but to all cabinet office as I had decided to retire from Parliamentary politics at the end of that term. The balance period was spent in the front row of the opposition benches where I enjoyed speaking on behalf of my voters without being trammeled by Cabinet responsibility. Since many in our ranks were demoralized and fearfully preparing for the elections to come, as seen by their frequent absences in the House, I had plenty of time for my interventions which are now recorded in Hansard.

Geneva

After the ignominious failure of Sirisena and his clique to dislodge Ranil and install MR, we, the SLFP ministers, were deprived of Cabinet office. After that we had constant meetings of the Central Committee of the party at Sirisena’s residence to lick our wounds and enjoy the North Indian cuisine which was ordered from a posh restaurant in the neighbourhood. There was no point in engaging in recriminations even though the chief conspirators tended to avoid our meetings.

The Central Committee decided to revamp the party even though many of our MPs, as well as supporters, had by now joined the “Pohottuwa” led by the Rajapaksas. However we could pool our resources with them as we were all now in the Opposition. Even so they carried out propaganda against us in the field. We were to discover in the next election that they had succeeded in alienating us from our voters.

President Sirisena then requested me to join our delegation to Geneva to participate in the spring session of the UNHRC in which a resolution on Sri Lanka was to be discussed. Foreign Minister Tilak Marapone was to lead the delegation which also included Faizer Mustapha and Suren Raghavan. We were all housed in the Hotel Intercontinental which is close to the UN headquarters where meetings of UNHRC were held. In addition to the official delegation several Sri Lankans like Sarath Weerasekera who were accommodated under the NGO quota were also present.

But they could not speak at the formal sessions. However they had access to the media and could use the opportunity to reach their sponsors with their observations which however did not carry any weight in the UN. Since I had been a regular visitor to Geneva both on behalf of UNESCO, and later, our own government agencies, I felt quite at home there and could help our delegation to make good use of our stay. For instance I initiated the practice of meeting the Executive Director of UNHRC and her staff with our delegation so that we could have a detailed discussion on outstanding issues.

This approach, which is standard in the UN system, had not been previously availed of by our embassy in Geneva. This time around we had a long and fruitful discussion with Michelle Bachelet – the head of UNHRC. I do not know whether this practice was continued after our departure from office. In Geneva I recalled the many meetings I had with Gamani Corea who had his office in the old League of Nations building. Gamani then was the head of UNCTAD and the hope of Third World countries which were primary producers of agricultural commodities sold at bargain basement prices to be processed by the developed countries.

Fortunately Tilak Marapone and I were on the same page when it came to our approach to the Human Rights Council. The traditional Foreign Ministry approach was to appease the western powers and seek time to implement the proposals of the Council. This double speak was part of the tilt to the west that Ranil, Mangala Samaraweera and Ravi Karunanayake had fashioned as a distinctive UNP approach. In part it was a symptom of the UNPs post – Premadasa dependence on minority votes in the face of the Rajapaksa juggernaut which was rolled out every time by the SLFP/SLPP.

This was also the approach of the Foreign Office which engineered the recall of Ambassador Dayan Jayatilleke from Geneva in 2009 after he had assembled a coalition of “non-hegamonic” countries to defeat a western resolution which was critical of the Sri Lankan government’s conduct of the war and its aftermath. My approach was to emphasize that ten years had passed since the war was brought to a close. The government had taken many measures to bring life back to normal including the holding of provincial elections. The diaspora was welcome to invest in the country and particularly in the North.

We also challenged the figures of the disappeared that was put into circulation when the local representatives of western embassies – the US and UK -had given much smaller figures while reporting from the field. For the first time we quoted Lord Naseby who had presented a fair description of what had really happened. We argued that the time for closure had come. Accordingly we did not bargain with western representatives to offer concessions and were quite relieved when the final resolution did not bring any sanctions which would have affected us adversely.

I was particularly happy to receive a note soon after from Lord Naseby appreciating the change in approach that we were able to bring about. The letter read “I hope you will excuse this handwritten personal letter to you. I wanted to record my thanks and congratulation to the team who made the submission to the UNHCR. For the first time ever it was clear, concise, understanding but challenging to the other sponsors of the motion. This is not the end of the matter but Sri Lanka’s response takes us a good way along the road to total sovereignty. Well done. Yours Naseby”.

This was high praise indeed and the recognition that I had acted without fear or favour in the national interest, by Naseby – a discriminating and honest friend of Sri Lanka, was a fitting finale to my Parliamentary career. After a closed door meeting with Michelle Bachelor where she described to us her ugly experiences under Pinochet in Chile, we returned to Colombo. I made a presentation to Parliament in which I thanked Tilak Marapone for his bold rejection of the old UNP line of appeasement in Geneva. I spent the last few months of my Parliamentary career in the Opposition benches that I had first sat on after entering the House in 1994 – 26 years earlier.

(Available at the Vijitha Yapa Bookshop)

(Excerpted from Vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography) ✍️



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From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map

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A file photo of an anti-immigration protest in Dover

For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.

One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.

A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.

Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.

The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.

This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.

Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.

This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.

The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.

Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.

These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.

Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.

The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.

While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.

This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.

by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake

Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University

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Tolerance and Diversity

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Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.

In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.

In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.

The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.

For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.

On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.

The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.

Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.

Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.

To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.

Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)

by Bhikkhu Bodhi

 

 

 

 

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Seeing things as they truly are

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Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.

The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.

In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.

These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.

Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.

Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.

Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.

The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.

Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.

By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.

This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.

The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.

Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.

If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.

Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.

The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.

Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.

Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.

by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

 

 

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