Features
Sir Baron Jayatilaka (1864-1944): unique among Ceylon’s great men
(Excerpted from Selected Journalism by HAJ Hulugalle)
Among the great men produced by the country, Sir Baron Jayatilaka was unique. He was the village lad from an obscure family who rose to the top by his own ability and strength of character. He learned his first letters and laid the foundations of oriental scholarship at a temple school, but thereafter obtained a modern education at Wesley College. At 21 he was a graduate of Calcutta University, and twenty years of work and study intervened before he was able to go to Jesus College, Oxford, where he became an M.A.
Jayatilaka was a school-master before he entered the legal profession and a political career. He seemed to take everything in his stride, biding his time, but never lost the respect of those he left behind in the race.
He died 19 years before this article was written, and in this land of short memories, it looked as if he would be forgotten by those who came after him. Nobody suggested a statue of that broad-shouldered and squat figure with a defiant air in times of crisis. His portrait is not to be seen in public places nor is his Roman profile perpetuated in a postage stamp. A street may have been named after him, but I have not heard of it.
In his life Jayatilaka did not need reclame, and in the Elysian fields, or where-ever else he may be, he would be the first to laugh at any efforts to preserve his memory in wood or stone. He would have said exigi monumentum acre perennius (“I have completed a monument more lasting than brass.”)
He seemed to reflect in his life all that is best in our culture, in the Buddhist tradition and in oriental philosophy, and possessed in full measure those gifts and graces which characterize a civilized person such as tolerance, fair-play and compassion.
He had married the very intelligent and charming daughter of a great scholar. Their home, where they lived simply and modestly, was an intellectual centre for men of learning. Long before “D.B.” became a member of the Legislative Council he was the leading Buddhist layman in the country. His influence on the priesthood of all the Nikayas was decisive, for in scholarship and personality he was the equal of the best among them. He was president of the YMBA as long as he lived. His editions of the Sinhala classics are prized by other scholars. His articles in the Dinamina made that paper the leading Sinhalese daily.
There were times when he took his courage in his hands and fought for unpopular causes, It was touch and go whether the Legislative Council would accept the Donoughmore reforms. He advised the country to try to work them. Many of his close friends, such as E.W. Perera, were against him, but he carried the day.
He fought for the report of the Akbar Commission on the University site, of which he was a member, against a formidable array which included James Peiris, Ramanathan, Marcus Fernando, George Wille, Marrs (the Principal of the University College) and the hierarchy of two churches, and won. He was a splendid debater and gave as hard as he got. No heckler could have the better of him. On September 20, 1920, at a special meeting of the Ceylon National Congress, he was proposing the main resolution and was interrupted. The report of that meeting has the following passage:
Mr. Jayatilaka: I predict victory for us if we exercise self-restraint and moderation….
A Voice: Cowardice?
Mr Jayatilaka: I am prepared to accept the challenge from that quarter…. A Voice: Cowardice.
Mr Jayatillaka: I challenge that gentleman to get up and say where he has shown bravery which I have not been equal to. (Tremendous applause which prevented Mr. Jayatilaka from continuing for several seconds).
Mr. A.E.Goonesinha: We never meant it for you. We acknowledge you as the greatest man who has come forward. When we spoke of…..
Mr.Jayatilaka: It is only a distinction without a difference.
As a young journalist whose business it was to interview leaders of the reform movement, I first met D.B. Jayatillaka in 1918. Not being a Buddhist or a Sinhalese scholar myself, the occasions when I came into close contact with him were few, but from the outset I was an admirer. He possessed not only the qualities of a statesman but also the courage of a leader. He had intellectual honesty and refused to play down to the masses. He stood for national unity.
I remember his presidential address to the 1924 Congress when he said: “if we are determined to attain responsible government we must bestir ourselves and bring about that condition of national unity that is indispensable for the realization of our goal. Full responsible government can only be demanded by and granted to a united people”. I doubt whether he would have become a politician if he did not believe in national unity. He would have felt betrayed had his successors thought otherwise.
Jayatilaka began his public life in the temperance movement, but education was his major interest. In both these fields he was the associate of men with high ideals like Colonel Olcott, the Ven. Hikkaduwa Sri Sumangala, Anagarika Dharmapala, W.A. de Silva, Arthur V. Dias and the Senanayakes. He spent 20 years guiding the destinies of Dharmaraja College and the Buddhist Theosophical Society. It was as a result of these activities that he was arrested and kept in prison for 46 days during the 1915 riots. He tasted injustice but it did not embitter him.
The fight for political reforms began in earnest when the country’s leaders decided that never again will such arbitrary action by the military be permitted. Jayatilaka made many journeys to London to press for reforms and impressed Lord Milner, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his officials, by his moderation and good sense.
In 1924 he was elected unopposed to the Legislative Council as the member for the Western Province. Very soon he was the unofficial leader of the Council, and when the Donoughmore Constitution was introduced in 1931 he became Leader of the House, Vice-President of the Board of Ministers and Home Minister. He held these offices for 10 years.
Although Jayatilaka never lost the mastery of the State Council, when he reached his seventies he had lost a great deal of his fire. He was easy-going and lenient. He had lost the sureness of his touch, and signed papers which he had not read. His ability to see both sides of a question was not appreciated by contestants for power. He was the Asquith of Ceylon politics, a noble mind ill at ease in an atmosphere of intrigue and tension.
The mistakes he made were often the result of manoeuvring by others when he himself was too old to play political chess. The Bracegirdle affair was a ludicrous interlude, and the pan-Sinhalese Board of Ministers was a foolish move, both out of character with the elder statesman.
He resigned in 1940 to become the first Ceylon representative in India, a country in whose culture and history he was deeply interested. No one could have represented Ceylon better, but it seemed as if he had been kicked upstairs by more dynamic men. The extremes of the Delhi climate did not suit him and he kept bad health. He died in the aeroplane which was bringing him back to Ceylon. There was perhaps no more appropriate way for a great Buddhist to attain Nirvana but he would not have minded an honoured and leisured retirement on earth to round off his career and arrange his papers. It is given to few mortals to order their exits and entrances suitably.
Many eloquent tributes were paid to Sir Baron in the State Council when a vote of condolence was moved. His doughty opponent Mr. G.G. Ponnambalam summed up his qualities when he said: “Mr. Speaker, there might have been, individually, a greater scholar, a greater administrator or a greater politician. But in the remarkable combination of qualities of scholarship, of statesmanship and erudition, I think Sir Baron will not be easily surpassed in the future. He was a happy blend of eastern culture and western poise”.
A man like “D.B.” would probably be a misfit in the political scene of today. We are all socialists now. His work was over when he succeeded in bringing Ceylon to the threshold of independence. His thinking and actions helped to shape events in Ceylon for half a century. The ethos of our people was embodied in his life and work more than in those of any other man of the century.
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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