Opinion
Seventy years ago: Great August hartal
REAR VISION
By Jayantha Somasundaram
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) founded in 1935 contested the following year’s State Council election and returned two out of the fifty elected members in the legislature. However, the Party’s horizon was extra-parliamentary; its focus being organising workers into unions and leading the unions not merely towards economic and workplace goals, but also towards the political objective of the revolutionary transformation of society.
During the Second World War which commenced in 1939, and which for then-Ceylon reached a climax with the Japanese attack on Colombo and Trincomalee in April 1942, the LSSP was banned, its leaders like N. M. Perera, Philip Gunawardena and Colvin R. De Silva were jailed, and the Party was driven underground by the island’s British rulers.
When the War ended in 1945, the wartime economic boom which had enabled Colombo to accumulate a healthy sterling balance through exports also came to an end. The result was strikes which broke out in October 1946, organised by the no longer proscribed LSSP (Socialist Party), and the newly formed Communist Party (CP). This wave of strikes covered the Public Service, the Mercantile Sector and the Plantations, a successful general strike which secured higher minimum wages, medical leave entitlements and paid-recreation leave among other benefits for wage earners.
In 1947 another round of strikes occurred, again involving workers in different sectors of employment. The leadership was provided once again by the LSSP through its trade unions the Ceylon Federation of Labour and the CP’s Ceylon Trade Union Federation. The Ceylonese Board of Ministers headed by D. S. Senanayake took a hard line and “passed repressive legislation which included the use of the military against the strikers,” wrote US Professor Patrick Peebles in The History of Sri Lanka and “(N. M.) Perera was arrested.” Government forces opened fire in Kolonnawa where they killed Kandaswamy, a protesting government clerk.
General Election 1952
Despite this unrest among urban workers, the General Elections held in May 1952 saw the United National Party (UNP) under Dudley Senanayake win a landslide victory of 54 seats (out of 95 elected members in parliament). The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) got nine seats, the LSSP nine, the CP four, the Tamil Congress four and the Federal Party two. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, leader of the SLFP became Leader of the Opposition in Parliament.
However, not unlike the present, between 1951 and 1953 the island’s economy continued to decline as export earnings fell while living costs spiralled. Consequently, from late 1952 there was once again unrest among wage earners, workplace slowdowns, labour strikes and hunger strikes.
Further, in a response with a familiar ring, an International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) mission which visited Ceylon in 1951, in its report the following year noting that welfare expenditure accounted for a third of government spending, recommended that such welfare spending be pruned. Consequently the Central Bank proposed to the Government an increase in the price of staples like rice, wheat flour and sugar, an end to the free midday meal for school children and a hike in postal rates, bus and train fares. Cutbacks which the Dudley Senanayake Government implemented in 1953.
The attack on living standards prompted many around the country to stage local protests, but the Government refused to back down, and the protests not only snowballed but became more organised. As events unfolded the LSSP took the initiative to convene a meeting of the Island’s major trade unions and together they decided on a single day of mass protest to demonstrate to the Government the depth of peoples’ anger and despair. Three opposition parties, the LSSP, the CP and the Federal Party (FP), closed ranks and called upon the people to stage an Island-wide anti-Government protest on Tuesday 12th August 1952. This decision was proclaimed at a public gathering in Colombo on 23rd July. The Opposition called for the 12th to be a day of mourning, the hoisting of black flags and a boycott of workplaces, shops, offices and schools; a single day of protest.
Northern Province Joins
In the meantime the tempo of protests and agitation continued, its reach extending with each passing day. “For the first time Tamil workers in the Northern Province joined their comrades in other parts of the country in the demonstrations and decided to take part in the proposed one day-protest,” wrote Political Science Professor Ranjith Amarasinghe. There were protests in front of rice stores and the home of a government minister. These were merely a dress rehearsal for the 12th. Amarasinghe went on, “action such as parading the troops in the streets or the refusal to negotiate only helped to antagonise the workers further and the strikes continued in the urban industrial and plantation sectors.”
At midnight 11th August the Hartal began at the Railway’s Ratmalana Workshop where workers downed tools and effectively brought the facility to a standstill. By dawn on the 12th the transport strike showed itself to be totally effective such that even those who did not join the Hartal could not travel to work. From its Colombo epicentre the Hartal fanned out along the western coastal arteries across the populous Western and Southern Provinces, and then into the population centres in the interior of the country. Public anger was manifested in blocked roads which became impassable for traffic, the felling of telephone poles and the torching of buses cutting communication and transport.
The Hartal now took on a life of its own, no longer being led or limited by party or union leaders and no longer adhering to the planned one day protest. The opposition leadership issued a statement reminding people that it was a one-day protest; this call for restraint would be repeated in the days to come. The people had taken control and the reins of the movement were no longer in the hands of either the political or union leadership. In fact what was envisaged as an urban workers protest broke these bounds and quickly became as much, if not more, the Hartal of Rural Sri Lanka.
Colvin R. de Silva described the Hartal as “the first occasion in the whole history of Ceylon (where) the masses revolted against the domination of the Ceylonese capitalist. This was also the first mass revolt that marked the worker-peasant alliance, the social instrument of the national liberation of Ceylon.”
State of Emergency
The Hartal was the most widespread, popular, militant, peoples’ protest in a century. In fact, it took on a momentum of its own, and an intensity that the leadership of the LSSP, CP and FP had not envisaged. Up until last year’s Aragalaya, it was the most potent act of protest, defiance and direct action on the part of people for radical economic and political change.
“The Hartal started as a strike but grew into something more, perhaps not a revolutionary upsurge as described by the Sama Samajists, but the first post-Independent movement of mass power in action,” wrote historian Nira Wickramasinghe in Sri Lanka in the Modern Age.
Initially in certain areas, the Police confidently coped on their own. In Maradana for example, Deputy Inspector General Gabriel Rockwood even declined the offer of military assistance. But as the Hartal persisted, and in the face of island-wide strikes, agitation and sabotage, a State of Emergency was declared and the Army was called out to support the Police.
The Ceylon Light Infantry’s B Company under Major Maurice Jayaweera, was deployed in Moratuwa while C Company, under Major Roy Jayatillake, was deployed in Colombo. An artillery detachment, under Colonel Derek de Saram, cleared the High Level Road which passed through the Kelani Valley, a Left stronghold. Colonel Anton Muttukumaru Acting Commander of the Ceylon Army had to resort to the use of recruits in order to provide personnel to quell the Hartal.
The Hartal was most effective and mobilised its largest protesters in the Western, Southern and Northern Provinces. Completely unprepared for the Hartal’s wildfire spread and impact, the Government panicked; opposition party offices were raided and the presses where their bulletins and other publications were printed were sealed. A minimum of ten people, perhaps twelve, were killed, hundreds injured and thousands arrested.
The Government declared a State of Emergency for the first time since the violence of 1915, and ordered a curfew. It then went on to craft a conspiracy theory to explain the inexplicable events that had occurred. The Senanayake Administration produced a document claiming to have been found in the Communist Party’s Kandy Branch office which referred to an ‘army of liberation for the Central Province.’
Only Parliament
Parliament remained the only arena where the Opposition could respond publicly to the developing situation in the country. On 17 August Parliamentarian Pieter Keuneman who was also General Secretary of the Communist Party accused the Government of having “no justification whatsoever for the terrorism it has unleashed against the people of Ceylon who demand food at a price which they can afford…I accuse the Government of declaring a State of Emergency…to cover up their bankruptcy and panic by giving the armed forces legal power to join the police in shooting down people.”
“The Hartal broke the myth of the omnipotence of the UNP and gave the masses a new confidence in their own strength,” wrote Leslie Goonawardene, General Secretary of the LSSP.
When the Aragalaya reached its climax last year the ruling family had to take refuge in Navy bases and on a Naval vessel to escape the peoples’ wrath; at the height of the Hartal recalls LSSP General Secretary Tissa Vitarana in Groundviews two years ago, the Dudley Senanayake Cabinet were forced “to have an emergency meeting of the Cabinet in a British warship in the Colombo Harbour.”
Like the Aragalaya seven decades later, the Hartal shook the ruling party and its leadership to its very core. It resulted in the resignation of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake in October 1953 and his stepping out of politics; just as its progeny, the Aragalaya of 2022 resulted in the fall from power of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
Opinion
Speaker’s dilemma
The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.
Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.
From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.
As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.
Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.
The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.
WILLIAM
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