Features
Secretary, Ministry of Plantation Industries and back to the PM’s office as Secretary
Soon after the 1977 elections President J R Jayewardene’s secretary, Menikdiwela who had been my assistant in the Dudley Senanayake administration telephoned to say that he wanted to see me at his office at Republic Square about a new position in the government.
I had kept my links with ‘Meniks’ during my seven year exile. He was a man of strong attachments and a committed fighter for a cause. I was very touched to see him wish me farewell on the platform of the Fort railway station the evening in 1970 when Damayanthi and I took the lonely train to Batticaloa to begin our posting in Ampara. He and another of my former colleagues were the only ones who had taken the trouble to do so.
We discussed the possibility of my having to break my contract with the IPPF. That evening I discussed the question of whether I should stay with the IPPF or come back to government with Damayanthi and Esala. Esala was most forthright in saying that my place was with government, and if I was wanted, I should go back.
J R was all smiles when I met him. He had been informed by Meniks that I was prepared to chuck up the regional directorship and come in as a permanent secretary in his administration. He made an offer of one of the four positions. He inquired which I would like best. The options were defence, public administration, plantation industries and agriculture. I thought for a while and said that the only one of the subjects I really knew anything about was public administration, which was coupled with home affairs at the time, and said I might be able to do something worthwhile there. About defence, I certainly didn’t want to take that, because I would find it very difficult to suggest that the government go to war at any time against anybody.
J R countered with asking whether I knew anything about plantation industries. I ruefully said ‘no’, that my only acquaintance with tea, was spending delightful holidays with my younger brother Peter, who was a planter up-country. J R then surprised me by saying, “Aha! then that is exactly what you must do plantation industries.”
He explained that the state was now the owner of hundreds of thousands of acres of tea, rubber and coconut plantations, taken over by the last government under Land Reform, and that everything was in a dreadful mess. He wanted somebody who knew nothing of the subject to start with a fresh mind and bring about some order. He said that I would have one of the finest gentlemen to work with as minister, M D H Jayawardena.
M D H knew quite a lot about plantations, having owned `estates’ himself. He had been an excellent minister of finance in an earlier Cabinet and knew the ropes of government. He was very quick with papers and short in discussion. It was a delight working with him.
I decided that to learn about plantations, one would have to actually go on to the estates and see what was happening. This gave me the opportunity of many visits to the tea and rubber growing areas. I loved going up-country and making a string of acquaintances in the planting industry. They were all experts at their job and generous in passing on their knowledge.
The new technology introduced to the factory was not only interesting but had the most suggestive names. I soon became familiar with ‘fluid bed dryers’ and ‘vibrating tea sifters’. The Tea Research Institute at Talawakelle like the Rubber Research at Agalawatte was full of information. It was the time of transition in tea planting from ‘seedling’ tea, to VP (vegetatively propagated) tea. It was VP that was giving a new beauty to the many shades of unbroken green hillside that greeted the driver as he rounded the bends in the tea country. Some of the innovative ideas of the planters like the cutting down of shade trees were bearing fruit. But this question of whether to cut or not to cut, was giving rise to controversy and some of the older ones favoured leaving the trees standing for shade.
The ‘planter language’ was also something one had to get used to. The main road was the ‘cart road’. You do not ‘pick’ tea, but ‘plucked’ it. In a Tea Research Institute instruction booklet I was confounded by the phrase ‘manual defoliation’. On seeking an explanation, I was told that this meant ‘Plucking’. Planters did not go ‘on leave’; they took ‘furlough’. Much of the planting fraternity culture had grown around English or rather Scottish custom and usage, and the habits persisted long after the Scots had left. Short trousers with stockings and green garters appeared to be the proper dress for the field, with the ‘polo’ hat to match. Only a kangani would use a black umbrella to ward off the heat of the tropical sun.
The club, after the day’s work, was a favoured retreat, and cream or grey flannel trousers and tweed jackets were part of the strict dress code. Entertaining each other, or visitors from Colombo, who seemed to be always welcome, was a regular occurrence. These were occasions for lavish hospitality and fun until the JVP incursions into the estates in the early seventies and their menacing ‘chits’ put the brake on this high-profile lifestyle.
I began to get very interested in the social condition of the labour and life in the line-rooms. The birth rate on the estates was much higher than the national average and so were maternal and infant mortality. Family planning had been popular at one time through the mobile clinics which had offered female sterilization. This had been by far the most popular method, but now abortion seemed to be the choice of the women workers. Women made up the major part of the workforce and there seemed to be a surplus of men lounging around and getting drunk in the evenings. As productivity on the field increased, and more sophisticated machines were brought into the factory, unemployment grew.
There were many things to be done in improving the levels of health and education. But equally important appeared to be the elimination of the disparities between life on the estate and life in the neighbouring village. I thought much of the tension was on account of this. Estate people spoke Tamil and the villagers Sinhalese. Estate people earned regular incomes. The villager subsisted on whatever crop they grew and the hire of irregular labour. The villagers were citizens of the country and voted. On the estates many were non-citizens and did not have the right to vote. The estate worker lived in a line-room which he did not own. The villagers had land and a home.
These differences were separating the groups and creating potential zones of bitterness and future strife. I worked with the minister on what we called estate-village integration. We thought out and put into practice, through the estate managers, some innovative ways of bringing people together.
The ministry of plantation industry’s mandate did not end with looking over the management of the huge national asset which had now become the responsibility of the state. This in itself was a large enough responsibility to occupy all the time of the minister and his staff. In addition was the responsibility of working in the international arena to obtain remunerative prices for tea, rubber, and coconut products.
I found this aspect of my work very exciting. It took me on several missions to Rome where FAO is located, and Geneva where UNCTAD was most prominent through the exertions of a fellow Sri Lankan and old friend, Gamani Corea, who was secretary general of the organization at the time.
Sri Lanka as the leading tea exporter of the world – the country exports almost 95 per cent of its production – had a big role to play in the international discussions, as part of the group of producer countries, along with our competitors – India and Kenya. I found myself in the forefront of lobbying for better prices for tea in the world markets.
We had some powerful delegations from the tea consuming countries, notably the United States and Britain who felt that the price the producer got for its tea – the cheapest drink in the world – was good enough. We became firm friends at work but were often locked in bitter debate on the many issues surrounding commodity prices.
On the technical side, I used to have quality support from Mahinda Dunuwila, then executive director of the Ceylon Tea Board and T Sambasivam his deputy. On the marketing side, Leelananda De Silva, an economist who came in to the ministry as an additional secretary made extremely able presentations in the working groups. I recall chairing many plenary sessions. Sitting alongside were helpful advisors from UNCTAD – many of them, like us were from the developing countries. I found that we had many friends and could easily win on the voting, if ever it got to that, but that the other side, the developed countries were better prepared in the arguments and had obviously done their homework more thoroughly.
OPEC and what the developing countries had done to obtain higher prices for oil in the 1970s made some of us think of the possibilities of buffer-stocking for tea. Unfortunately, the extreme rivalry for short-term gain which we had from our erstwhile colleagues, especially India and Kenya who worked to maximize production at all times, did not make it likely that the prospect for buffer-stocking arrangements would ever materialize.
All of our effort to obtain a better price for our tea at the auctions, either in Colombo or in London, was to pass it on to the producer so that he could optimize his profit and gain something more than his costs of production and so that the surplus could be used for investing on machinery, in the field or on the welfare for the worker like improving the housing. This was obviously what would have happened in the days the estates were privately owned.
However now that the estates had been nationalized and belonged to the state, the treasury had an eye on the profits, if any, and would seek to capture as much of it through the export tax on tea. Trying to cure this and opposing the treasury on the increase in export duty had the unfortunate effect of costing M D H his portfolio. When the 1978 budget attempted to do just this – increase the duty – M D H lost his cool and attacked the Minister of Finance Ronnie de Mel and his short sighted policy during the debate on the budget. Ronnie complained, J R was embarrassed and had to ask good old M D H to tender his resignation.
I remember him coming back to office that morning, admitting that he had erred in attacking Ronnie’s policy on the floor of the House and bidding me goodbye with tears in his eyes. I thought he never recovered from this lapse, for soon after he had a stroke which left him paralyzed and helpless. He died a few months later and I was deeply saddened at the downfall of this man of quite exceptionable nobility. They don’t make them like that any more.
It was about this time, with Montague Jayewickreme taking over the ministry of plantations and things getting rather unsettled there, that Premadasa, then prime minister, who was looking for a secretary telephoned to ask whether I would come over to work for him. I think he had seen me at work with Dudley in the 1965-70 period and had perhaps felt that I would be useful. His own secretary Eardley Goonewardene, who had been with him from his local government days had fallen sick and wished to retire and the position was open. By now I had done the job six times already with five different PMs but felt that considering Premadasa’s energy and unothodox ways it would be an experience with a difference. As it turned out, it was quite something.
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar by Bradman Weerakoon)
Features
Maduro abduction marks dangerous aggravation of ‘world disorder’
The abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro by US special forces on January 3rd and his coercive conveying to the US to stand trial over a number of allegations leveled against him by the Trump administration marks a dangerous degeneration of prevailing ‘world disorder’. While some cardinal principles in International Law have been blatantly violated by the US in the course of the operation the fallout for the world from the exceptionally sensational VVIP abduction could be grave.
Although controversial US military interventions the world over are not ‘news’ any longer, the abduction and hustling away of a head of government, seen as an enemy of the US, to stand trial on the latter soil amounts to a heavy-handed and arrogant rejection of the foundational principles of international law and order. It would seem, for instance, that the concept of national sovereignty is no longer applicable to the way in which the world’s foremost powers relate to the rest of the international community. Might is indeed right for the likes of the US and the Trump administration in particular is adamant in driving this point home to the world.
Chief spokesmen for the Trump administration have been at pains to point out that the abduction is not at variance with national security related provisions of the US Constitution. These provisions apparently bestow on the US President wide powers to protect US security and stability through courses of action that are seen as essential to further these ends but the fact is that International Law has been brazenly violated in the process in the Venezuelan case.
To be sure, this is not the first occasion on which a head of government has been abducted by US special forces in post-World War Two times and made to stand trial in the US, since such a development occurred in Panama in 1989, but the consequences for the world could be doubly grave as a result of such actions, considering the mounting ‘disorder’ confronting the world community.
Those sections opposed to the Maduro abduction in the US would do well to from now on seek ways of reconciling national security-related provisions in the US Constitution with the country’s wider international commitment to uphold international peace and law and order. No ambiguities could be permitted on this score.
While the arbitrary military action undertaken by the US to further its narrow interests at whatever cost calls for criticism, it would be only fair to point out that the US is not the only big power which has thus dangerously eroded the authority of International Law in recent times. Russia, for example, did just that when it violated the sovereignty of Ukraine by invading it two or more years ago on some nebulous, unconvincing grounds. Consequently, the Ukraine crisis too poses a grave threat to international peace.
It is relevant to mention in this connection that authoritarian rulers who hope to rule their countries in perpetuity as it were, usually end up, sooner rather than later, being a blight on their people. This is on account of the fact that they prove a major obstacle to the implementation of the democratic process which alone holds out the promise of the prgressive empowerment of the people, whereas authoritarian rulers prefer to rule with an iron fist with a fixation about self-empowerment.
Nevertheless, regime-change, wherever it may occur, is a matter for the public concerned. In a functional democracy, it is the people, and the people only, who ‘make or break’ governments. From this viewpoint, Russia and Venezuela are most lacking. But externally induced, militarily mediated change is a gross abnormality in the world or democracy, which deserves decrying.
By way of damage control, the US could take the initiative to ensure that the democratic process, read as the full empowerment of ordinary people, takes hold in Venezuela. In this manner the US could help in stemming some of the destructive fallout from its abduction operation. Any attempts by the US to take possession of the national wealth of Venezuela at this juncture are bound to earn for it the condemnation of democratic opinion the world over.
Likewise, the US needs to exert all its influence to ensure that the rights of ordinary Ukrainians are protected. It will need to ensure this while exploring ways of stopping further incursions into Ukrainian territory by Russia’s invading forces. It will need to do this in collaboration with the EU which is putting its best foot forward to end the Ukraine blood-letting.
Meanwhile, the repercussions that the Maduro abduction could have on the global South would need to be watched with some concern by the international community. Here too the EU could prove a positive influence since it is doubtful whether the UN would be enabled by the big powers to carry out the responsibilities that devolve on it with the required effectiveness.
What needs to be specifically watched is the ‘copycat effect’ that could manifest among those less democratically inclined Southern rulers who would be inspired by the Trump administration to take the law into their hands, so to speak, and act with callous disregard for the sovereign rights of their smaller and more vulnerable neighbours.
Democratic opinion the world over would need to think of systems of checks and balances that could contain such power abuse by Southern autocratic rulers in particular. The UN and democracy-supportive organizations, such as the EU, could prove suitable partners in these efforts.
All in all it is international lawlessness that needs managing effectively from now on. If President Trump carries out his threat to over-run other countries as well in the manner in which he ran rough-shod over Venezuela, there is unlikely to remain even a semblance of international order, considering that anarchy would be receiving a strong fillip from the US, ‘The World’s Mightiest Democracy’.
What is also of note is that identity politics in particularly the South would be unprecedentedly energized. The narrative that ‘the Great Satan’ is running amok would win considerable validity among the theocracies of the Middle East and set the stage for a resurgence of religious fanaticism and invigorated armed resistance to the US. The Trump administration needs to stop in its tracks and weigh the pros and cons of its current foreign policy initiatives.
Features
Pure Christmas magic and joy at British School
The British School in Colombo (BSC) hosted its Annual Christmas Carnival 2025, ‘Gingerbread Wonderland’, which was a huge success, with the students themseles in the spotlight, managing stalls and volunteering.
The event, organised by the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA), featured a variety of activities, including: Games and rides for all ages, Food stalls offering delicious treats, Drinks and refreshments, Trade booths showcasing local products, and Live music and entertainment.

The carnival was held at the school premises, providing a fun and festive atmosphere for students, parents, and the community to enjoy.
The halls of the BSC were filled with pure Christmas magic and joy with the students and the staff putting on a tremendous display.
Among the highlights was the dazzling fashion show with the students doing the needful, and they were very impressive.

The students themselves were eagerly looking forward to displaying their modelling technique and, I’m told, they enjoyed the moment they had to step on the ramp.
The event supported communities affected by the recent floods, with surplus proceeds going to flood-relief efforts.
Features
Glowing younger looking skin
Hi! This week I’m giving you some beauty tips so that you could look forward to enjoying 2026 with a glowing younger looking skin.
Face wash for natural beauty
* Avocado:
Take the pulp, make a paste of it and apply on your face. Leave it on for five minutes and then wash it with normal water.
* Cucumber:
Just rub some cucumber slices on your face for 02-03 minutes to cleanse the oil naturally. Wash off with plain water.
* Buttermilk:
Apply all over your face and leave it to dry, then wash it with normal water (works for mixed to oily skin).
Face scrub for natural beauty
Take 01-02 strawberries, 02 pieces of kiwis or 02 cubes of watermelons. Mash any single fruit and apply on your face. Then massage or scrub it slowly for at least 3-5 minutes in circular motions. Then wash it thoroughly with normal or cold water. You can make use of different fruits during different seasons, and see what suits you best! Follow with a natural face mask.
Face Masks
* Papaya and Honey:
Take two pieces of papaya (peeled) and mash them to make a paste. Apply evenly on your face and leave it for 30 minutes and then wash it with cold water.
Papaya is just not a fruit but one of the best natural remedies for good health and glowing younger looking skin. It also helps in reducing pimples and scars. You can also add honey (optional) to the mixture which helps massage and makes your skin glow.
* Banana:
Put a few slices of banana, 01 teaspoon of honey (optional), in a bowl, and mash them nicely. Apply on your face, and massage it gently all over the face for at least 05 minutes. Then wash it off with normal water. For an instant glow on your face, this facemask is a great idea to try!
* Carrot:
Make a paste using 01 carrot (steamed) by mixing it with milk or honey and apply on your face and neck evenly. Let it dry for 15-20 minutes and then wash it with cold water. Carrots work really well for your skin as they have many vitamins and minerals, which give instant shine and younger-looking skin.
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