Features
Searching for Anil
By Uditha Devapriya
“But what seems utterly incredible is that anyone should consider that the problems of the 5th century continue to be the problems of today. Or that the ideological outlook of the 5th century should determine our approaches to the problems of the 20th century.” – Hector Abhayavardhana
In Sri Lanka, a book launch invariably becomes an “event”, and a book review becomes a review of the launch. Sri Lankans tend to loquacious: they speak whatever they want even if it’s irrelevant and off-topic. The launch of Mahinda Ariyawansa’s Anil Moonesinghe: The Gold Standard of Honest Politics, last Sunday, threatened to meander into such an event. Yet despite the verbal deluges one gets at such ceremonies, this book, and its subject, remains quite importantly. As far as political biographies go, it may be better or worse than most Sri Lankan political biographies. But no one has written about Anil Moonesinghe, and we ought to be grateful to Ariyawanha for becoming the first to do so.
Most accounts of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party focus on three figures, each as colourful and unique as the other: Colvin, N. M., and Philip. While the Social Scientists’ Association came up with a collection of Hector Abhayavardhana’s essays and a couple or so books have been published on other stalwarts in the party, prominently Vivienne Goonewardene, there are several individuals who have yet to be written about at all.
Anil Moonesinghe, in that sense, remains a figure in the dark, whose contribution to the Left movement was profound but about whom we know very little. This is all the more puzzling given that Anil, more so than even Philip Gunawardena, represented, if not epitomised, a unique combination of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and anti-imperialist Marxism.
Regi Siriwardena once commented that their immersion in Marx and F. R. Leavis made the LSSP’s upper crust think of themselves as above the rest: “as a Leavisian, you were one of the discriminating minority, and as a Marxist, you were part of the revolutionary vanguard.” I am not sure how true this is, and in any case it did not apply to N. M, Philip, or Colvin, but I am struck by Regi’s suggestion that these activists managed to keep their academic thinking and political work “in separate compartments.” A similar interplay, which can be mistaken for a paradox, crops up in Anil Moonesinghe’s career: his commitment to Trotskyism, and his association with the high priest of Sinhala nationalism, Anagarika Dharmapala.
Does this constitute a contradiction, a disjuncture? That depends on whether you want to see it as one. In any case, context is important. When the LSSP was first formed in the 1930s, language and ethnicity had not become the burning, polarising issues they would become in later years. The party’s political battles were with the colonial State. They framed every issue from a radical, highly progressive standpoint: in place of English, for instance, they did not demand for Sinhala Only, they demanded for parity between Sinhala and Tamil. Making his case in parliament, N. M. Perera argued that if parity was not granted, demands for language parity would strengthen the case for federalism, or autonomy.
Against that backdrop, it seems remarkable that a scion of Dharmapala’s family could foray into Left politics, and make the kind of contribution that he did. But this is to put the cart before the horse. Fundamentally, by the time Anil Moonesinghe was born in 1927, almost no political outfit in the country envisioned a Ceylon falling outside of the British Empire.
This was as true of establishment liberals, especially those in the Ceylon National Congress, as it was of nationalist ideologues. Of the latter, the most articulate happened to be Dharmapala. Reviled by the Sinhala bourgeoisie – who, by contrast, welcomed to their ranks his brother, Edmund Hewavitharana – and hounded by colonial authorities, he remained until his last a complicated character. Indeed, as both Sarath Amunugama and Steven Kemper have shown us in their studies of the man, he spoke differently to different audiences.
The upshot of this, of course, is that different people interpret him differently today. As Amunugama has observed in The Lion’s Roar, social scientists often tag him as a chauvinist. Amunugama astutely and politely disagrees with these readings, then raises the possibility for other interpretations. However, comprehensive as it is, The Lion’s Roar overlooks some important facets to Dharmapala’s career, including his contacts with Booker T. Washington and the Tuskegee Institute, which could have raised those possibilities. My own take on this is something Amunugama does not consider: namely that in Anil Moonesinghe’s life we see, more than in any other person, including Dharmapala himself, the radical possibilities of the anti-imperialist politics often attributed to Dharmapala and his disciples.
To say this is not to uncritically adulate Moonesinghe and his work, but to recognise in his politics the kind of radical outlook which we can learn from today. Dharmapala remains as polarising a figure as he always has been. Since Ananda Guruge’s Return to Righteousness, the English Departments of this country have had a field day digging up every aspect to his life. It is above my paygrade to comment on their assertions and the ripostes of their critics. What I can say is that, as a scion of Dharmapala’s family, Moonesinghe took up the fold of Sinhala anti-imperialist nationalism – an ideology that predates Dharmapala, and goes back to the 1848 rebellion – and combined it with the Marxism of his youth.
It can validly be questioned just how Moonesinghe reconciled his lineage with Trotskyism. On the basis of its tenets, including its theory of “permanent revolution”, Regi Siriwardena describes Trotskyism as “that variety of Marxism most unsympathetic to nationalism.” I do not fundamentally disagree with this thesis. But Trotsky’s main contention was that in the peripheral, colonial societies of Asia and Africa, the bourgeoisie could not be expected to carry out a bourgeois democratic revolution.
This, to me, does not differ with Dharmapala’s attitude to the Sinhala bourgeoisie, most of whom shunned him. Sinhala nationalism, as it stood then, had its limitations, prime among them a tendency, as Hector Abhayavardhana’s quote above reveals, to view the problems of contemporary society through a medieval lens. It is these limitations that have made me sceptical of movements like Jathika Chintanaya. But it was hardly incongruent with Trotsky’s attitude to the bourgeoisie.
These are, admittedly, personal reflections, and they follow no particular order. I believe Mahinda Ariyawansa has tried to explore these facets, as his first chapter shows, though I feel that a political biography must ultimately deal with the workings, tenets, and underlying philosophy of the politics with which the subject of the biography was involved. If The Gold Standard of Honest Politics ends up as your typical biography, condemned to shelves no one pores over or looks at, a more serious biography should be taken up. This is the least we can do for a man whose contribution to every field he was involved with, in particular transport, was seminal and remains with us now. We must be grateful to Ariyawansa, but we must also realise that this is the first of many, many steps to come.
Uditha Devapriya is an independent researcher who writes on art, culture, history, politics, and society. He works at Factum, an Asia-Pacific focused Sri Lankan think-tank accessible at www.factum.lk. He can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye
Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.
In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.
Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’
Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.
However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.
The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.
It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.
This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.
Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.
Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.
The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.
Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.
In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.
Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.
Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.
The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.
While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.
The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.
The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.
Features
What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus
by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva
Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.
To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.
In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.
Architecture of nation’s future
Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.
The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.
Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.
Lesson from the US
A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.
Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.
Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.
Another lesson from India
India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.
The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***
International models
Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.
Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.
One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.
Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.
Teacher training
Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.
Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.
Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.
Features
Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week
Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.
A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.
A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka
This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.
It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.
According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).
In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.
Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.
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