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Saffron fatwas and other undesirable fates

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File Photo of Buddhist monks staging a protest march in Colombo

by Tisaranee Gunasekara

“…the purpose is not really to indict the past, but to summon it to the attention of a suicidal, anachronistic present”.Wole Soyinka (Nobel Speech – 1986)

The story of monk Wariyapola Sumangala pulling down the Union Jack just before the Kandyan kingdom came under formal British rule is a beloved Lankan staple. A related fact is often glossed over. Lanka was placed under British rule with the consent of Sumangala thero’s leaders, the chief prelates of Malwatte and Asgiriya. Article 5 of the Kandyan Convention formalised this agreement between Kandyan clergy and the British: “The religion of Boodhoo…is declared inviolable, and its rites, ministries, and places of worship are to be maintained and protected” (https://www.srilankalaw.lk/revised-statutes/volume-iv/576-kandyan-convention.html). The chief prelates obviously saw nothing incongruous in Buddhist Lanka becoming the property of a Christian monarch whose official duties included protecting the Church of England and defending the Christian faith.

On 10 March 1815, the chief prelates had a meeting with governor Robert Brownrigg. As John Doyly records in his diary, after the governor assured them of his ‘protection’ and ‘security’, the monks retired to Dalada Maligawa to take part in a conference, “on the subject of bringing back their Dalada Wahanse, the protection of (Buddhist) church property, the offices of the Nayaka and Anu Nayaka…” Afterwards, the governor reappointed the chief prelates and their deputies and expressed “his desire that the Wihara and the Devale villages which, in the late times of disturbance, have been placed by the late king under orders of the disaves &c, be fully restored to the temples.”

On 19 March, prior to his departure to Colombo, Governor Brownrigg had another meeting with the chief prelates. Here, he spelled out what the promised ‘maintenance’ would entail: “You must not entertain the least anxiety but rest with perfect assurance that the priests and religion shall receive the fullest protection – & the daily provisions which, according to immemorial custom, were furnished to the priests from the Gabadawa (Treasury), shall be continued.”

After the Wellassa rebellion, the British effected a new ‘Agreement’ via the Gazette of 12 November 1818. In this, the pledge of protection and maintenance was replaced with the much lesser promise of respect (https://archives.dailynews.lk/2004/09/22/artscop07.html).

Fast forward to 130 years. On the eve of Independence, the chief prelates of Malwatte and Asgiriya demanded the incorporation of the long defunct Article 5 in the new constitution. If political leaders failed to comply, they threatened to boycott the Independence ceremony.

Prime Minister DS Senanayake was a devout Buddhist who, following in the Buddha’s footsteps, believed in the separation of king/state and the Sasana. As KKS Perera writes, based on reports in The Ceylon Times from 9-12 January 1948, the PM didn’t succumb to the demands. Instead, he travelled to Kandy to argue his case with the chief prelates. He pointed out that “If equality is a provision, then you cannot give primacy to one religion” (https://www.dailymirror.lk/print/opinion/Father-of-the-Nation-who-did-not-bow-down-to-external-and-internal-pressures/172-125903). The chief prelates gave up their attempt at blackmail and attended the independence ceremony.

78 years on, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is facing a similar challenge. According to media reports, the chief prelates have formally asked him to abandon the proposed 22nd Amendment to the constitution.

With that, the core issue has ceased being the merits and the demerits of the Amendment. The core issue now is, should a democracy (which hopes to remain a democracy) accord veto power over an elected government’s decisions to a group of unelected religious leaders?

Does President Dissanayake possess the courage of his convictions to explain to the chief prelates (and the nation) why the country needs the 22nd Amendment (as he did, quite lucidly, to the Bar Association)? Or will he succumb to the saffron fatwa and abandon the Amendment? If so, it will create a deadly precedent effectively circumscribing the freedom of action not just of President Dissanayake/the NPP government but also of every succeeding elected leader/administration. No policy or programme, however popular or necessary, would become implementable without the consent of the chief prelates.

That will take Sri Lanka back to the badlands of 1956. Not a fate Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka deserve.

The dangers of not learning from history

The economic collapse of 2022 had a dress rehearsal during the second presidential tenure of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

In the seven-month period between July 2011 and February 2012, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka released more than US$ 2.7 billion into the market to keep the rupee’s value at an unrealistically high level. This entailed the loss of a third of the country’s gross foreign exchange reserves.

In 2012, Sri Lanka was in an IMF programme, with the eighth and final review scheduled for July of that year. Pressure from the IMF played a decisive role in forcing the Rajapaksas to abandon this ruinous path. But, instead of managing the crisis of their own creation responsibly, the Rajapaksas compounded it by veering to the other extreme. Allowed to go into free fall, the rupee ended at a historic low in early March. Fuel prices were jacked up as were bus fares and electricity rates within days.

From his safe perch in Singapore, Mahinda Rajapaksas placed the armed forces on alert. His political horse sense had not betrayed him. Protests broke out across the country. When fishermen in Chilaw demonstrated against the fuel hike, they were met by a combined force of police, army and the STF. One fisherman, Anthony Fernando, a father of two, was shot dead. “…the army attacked our people, beat them up and tear-gassed them,” Nesta Fernando, an eyewitness, said. “They shot at several of our people. We told them several times not to shoot but just to beat back our boys. But they did not listen. We may have been able to save the injured boy if we were allowed to take him to hospital” (Gossip Lanka – 17.2.2012).

The economic debacle of 2012 caused the first fissures in the Rajapaksas’ mostly Sinhala base. According to CPA surveys, in 2011, 70% of Sinhalese thought the general economic situation will improve in the next two years. By 2013, only 38.5% of Sinhalese thought the general economic situation will improve in the coming two years (http://www.scribd.com/doc/182597529/Top-line-survey-results-Democracy-in-post-war-Sri-Lanka). Had the electorate remembered this past, there might not have been a November 2019 and thus a ruinous 2022.

Rajapaksa development was skin deep, sometimes not even that. Take roads for example. Road-building is said to be the Rajapaksa speciality. But even in this area, the Rajapaksa record is not so stellar. According to a World Bank report, “After almost two decades of prioritising road-building, only two thirds of provincial roads and 13percent of rural roads are paved and in good condition (https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/099090825205582722/pdf/P501002-32a393bd-fa6b-497c-b777-69fa8e12079a.pdf). Something to remember when Namal Rajapaksa boasts of his father’s economic miracle.

In 2012, the Sri Lanka Human Development Report warned, “Unless more and better jobs are created, unless the fruits of growth are more evenly distributed…it might be difficult to contain social discontent.” 14 years on, the challenge remains. The gap between the jobs available and the skills and expectations of job seekers has grown exponentially. According to Minister Handunnetti, the private sector has about 400,000 vacancies but not enough Lankans willing to fill them. The sectors where these jobs exist include construction, tiles, leather products, and automobiles, which tells its own tale.

When the JR Jayewardene and Ranasinghe Premadasa administrations focused on garment industry as a growth engine, they were being responsive to the country’s really existing nature market. That market is now drastically changed. What Sri Lanka needs today are not investments in labour intensive areas but investments in knowledge intensive sectors. If this need is not understood, if local and foreign investments fail to create jobs which fit the current nature of the labour market, brain and skills drain will continue and the rate of educated unemployment increase. These trends will cause serious economic and societal imbalances and political instability. India’s Cockroach movement is an example of where educated unemployment could lead.

According to Central Bank’s latest Quarterly Bulletin on Workers’ Remittances and Labour Migration, 75% of current migrants are skilled workers or professionals. Many leave in the hope of never returning. Though exact figures are not available, it is possible to conclude that most of these migrants are Sinhalese, and possibly, Buddhist.

At a recent convention of nationalist monks, speaker after incendiary speaker claimed Sri Lanka as the only Sinhala-Buddhist country in the world. Indubitably. There is also a related truth – that many Sinhala-Buddhists born in this only-Sinhala-Buddhist-country-in-the-world are living here not out of choice but because they have no way to leave. They prefer to labour in the Muslim-majority Middle East and settle down in the Christian-majority West rather than work and live in this only Sinhala-Buddhist country in the world. Another outbreak of ethnic or religious violence in the name of saving Sinhala-Buddhist Sri Lanka will only lead to more Sinhala-Buddhists leaving Sri Lanka. Until we become effectively dependent on migrant workers from anywhere, just to keep the country going at the most basic level.

Avoiding the abyss of extremism

Army commander Lasantha Rodrigo retired on 31 July 2026. General Nilantha Premaratne was appointed as the new army commander on 1 August 2026.

The transition barely made the news.

Just a month ago, some members of the proto-Rajapaksa opposition tried to use this impending change to incite anti-Christian phobia in this country. At the 12 July convention of the Joint Opposition in Kurunegala, parliamentarian Chamara Sampath Dassanayake launched this diabolical campaign. “Venerable monks, (we) should stop being patient,” he said. “I’m telling prelates and chief prelates, listen to this. The army commander’s tenure was over on 2 July… (It) was extended before. Now (it is) extended again. Who appoints the army commander? On the night of 2 (July), the current army commander took a huge basket of fruits to the cardinal’s house… Now his tenure will be extended till January or February 2028. Once this is extended…Major General Nilantha Premaratne is finished. He will go home in July…”

Had parliamentarian Dassanayake bothered to do a basic search, he would have discovered that Gen Rodrigo got a one-year extension on 31 July 2025 and his tenure will actually end not on 2 July but 31 July 2026. But Mr Dissanayake’s true aim was not telling the truth but inciting monks and Sinhala-Buddhists. The purpose his anti-factual diatribe becomes clear from what he says next. “The army has many resort bungalows. Recently a lot of fathers have gone to Batticaloa. Now they spend the night in these bungalows. The army provides food and all comforts. That is the way this government is going. The army commander (is) appointed by the cardinal. The CID is cardinal. Everything is done by the cardinal…As I said once, it was fortunate the cardinal didn’t become the pope. If not, this too would have been over. This would have become a Vatican” (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F7UkShWGcpU).

Place the Tamil enemy and the Muslim enemy in cold storage for future use. Now is the hour of the Christian enemy. Now is the time to incite Buddhists against the government by claiming that the government is being controlled by Christian/Catholic interests.

Independent Ceylon was just a few months old when she won her first ever silver medal at the 1948 Summer Olympics in London.

Lankans of that time should be forgiven for thinking that this victory was a propitious omen of greater triumphs to come. After all, young Ceylon was better placed than most – if not all – other newly independent nations. We had universal franchise, free education and health systems, a comprehensive welfare scheme, and a foreign exchange surplus. We did not have to endure a brutally bloody civil conflict of the sort India had experienced in our hour of independence. There was every reason to think that Duncan White’s Olympic Silver would be followed by many more Silvers, Golds and Bronzes.

The omens were wrong. It would take Lanka 50 plus two years to win her next Olympic medal – Susanthika Jayasinghe’s Bronze which was upgraded, subsequently, to a Silver. Then it was downhill time again. The first Lankan Olympian was a Burgher; the first Lankan Gold medallist at the Asian Games was a Tamil, Dr Nagalingam Ethirveerasingham. They were both born in British Ceylon. One died in the UK and the other in the US. By the time they left, this had become no country for Burghers or Tamils. The attempt to revive that lethal past needs to be resisted because we know only too well where it ends.



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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

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President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

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What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

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Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

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Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).

In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.

Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.

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