Features
Rwanda at a glance: Lessons for Sri Lanka?
Rwanda has a millennial history of kingdom governance. The people are called Abanyarwanda. They speak the same language, used to have the same traditional religion and believed in Imana (God). They have the same culture, ethics and moral values.
Until the 1960s when the Belgians brought a Republic model of political administration, Abanyarwanda had never known any high intensity inter community killings. In fact, they were and still are bound by one language Ikinyarwanda, religious belief and Igihango, a traditional blood pact that cemented the social bond and fraternal unity.
The colonialists introduced a divide and rule method of suppression, and the people who shared the same language, the same beliefs, the same villages, having intermarried across centuries, were told that they are so different ethnically; the Hutus, the Tutsis and the Twas, originally established based on socio-economic parameters with a social mobility structure, were codified as totally distinct ethnicities.
The consecutive two Republics of former Rwandan Presidents Mr. Kayibanda and Mr. Habyarimana exacerbated ethnicity and sectarian politics. They set a base for ethnic cleansing and later Habyarimanas government executed the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The Rwandese Patriotic Front led a revolution struggle and defeated the genocidal regime in 1994, after over 1 million Tutsi were slaughtered countrywide. Some Hutu were also massacred because they opposed the genocide commission.
Genocide perpetrators fled to neighboring countries, mainly to the DR Congo (then Zaire), and also to Tanzania and Burundi.
The genocide perpetrators were provided a safe haven in DR Congo and exported in DR Congo the genocide ideology. They killed and expelled to exile in neighboring countries and beyond the Congolese Tutsi.
Until today, the war in Eastern Congo is the result of killings and chaos brought to DR Congo by the Rwandan genocidaires now grouped in the FDLR (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda). The Movement of M23 was created mainly by those Congolese Tutsi who have been marginalized and killed by their government and the FDLR. Later, their movement was joined by other factions of Congolese fighters. The fusion gave birth to Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), led by the former Congolese head of National electoral commission, Mr. Corneille Nangaa Yobeluo.
Rwanda has been facing existential threats from the DRC for three decades now. Consecutive governments of DRC and the FDLR have consistently hatched and executed plans to destabilize Rwanda.
Regional and international efforts to bring normalcy in eastern DRC have not achieved tangible results. However, recently, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) signed a U.S.-brokered peace and economic development agreement in Washington.
This accord aims to stabilize eastern Congo, and to encourage U.S. investment. The agreement includes commitments to cease support for armed groups and to establish joint security mechanisms. There have been many failed ceasefires between the DRC government and AFC/M23 movement, but this US-backed deal raises some optimism for lasting peace.
Economic view/Investment Opportunities
anda’s economy has shown growth with an ascending trajectory for the past two decades. The government has created a favorable business environment, with investor-friendly policies, tax incentives, and simplified procedures. These procedures have been the driver of the current development.
Rwanda’s economy experienced an 8.9% growth in 2024, up from 8.2% in 2023. This growth was driven by strong performances in the services and industrial sectors, each expanding by 10%, while agriculture grew by 5%. The GDP reached Rwf 18.785 billion, up from Rwf 16.626 billion in 2023.
The labor market showed significant recovery, with over half a million new jobs created in the fourth quarter of 2023. However, full-time employment remains limited, with only 2.8 million out of 8.1 million working-age individuals employed. Inflation, which peaked at over 21% in 2023, moderated to 5.0% by August 2024, within the National Bank of Rwanda’s target range.
For its strategic development plans, the government approved the second National Strategy for Transformation (NST2), a five-year plan (20242029) focusing on job creation, export promotion, quality education, reducing stunting and malnutrition, and enhancing public service delivery. The strategy aims to create 1.25 million jobs over five years and increase agricultural productivity by 50%.
The key sectors for investment include:
– Infrastructure
The ongoing projects in roads, energy, and telecommunications present opportunities for investments in construction and related services.
The projects in roads, airport, and railway offer opportunities for development and expansion.
– Agriculture
Rwanda’s agricultural sector is vital for its economy. There’s potential in coffee, tea, and horticulture production.
On the other hand, organic farming is also gaining popularity in the country.
– Energy
Power generation, off-grid solutions, are promising areas for investment. Renewable Energy: Investing in solar and hydropower projects is encouraged as Rwanda aims to increase its energy capacity sustainably.
– Tourism
With its unique natural attractions, Rwanda offers opportunities for hotel development, tour operations, and adventure tourism.
– ICT
Rwanda aims to become a knowledge-based economy, with opportunities in software development, IT services, and e-commerce. The Government is promoting Rwanda as a tech hub in Africa. Investments in Tech startups are encouraged, especially in Kigali.
– Manufacturing
Rwanda is working on becoming a manufacturing hub. Investors can explore opportunities in textile production, food processing, and assembly plants.
– Support for Investors
The Rwandan government provides favorable policies for foreign investors, including:
– Tax incentives
– Investment protection laws
– One-stop service centers for business registration
Tourism Opportunities
Rwanda’s tourism sector is growing rapidly. With its stunning landscapes and wildlife, investing in hotels, lodges, and tour companies is lucrative. Eco-tourism and cultural tourism are particularly promising.
– Gorilla Trekking
Rwanda is famous for its mountain gorillas in Volcanoes National Park. This is a major draw for tourists seeking wildlife experiences including golden monkeys, and other unique wildlife.
– Lake Kivu
A scenic lake with opportunities for boating, fishing, and relaxation. Visitors can enjoy water sports, and beautiful scenery along this picturesque lake.
– Akagera National Park
This Park offers safari experiences with a variety of wildlife, including the Big Five.
A savannah park with diverse wildlife, including lions, elephants, rhinos, leopards, buffaloes, giraffes, etc.
– Kigali Cultural Village
A hub for cultural exchange, with traditional crafts, music, and dance performances. Tourists can engage with local communities, experience Rwandan culture, and attend festivals.
– Historical Sites
The Kigali Genocide Memorial and other historical sites offer educational insights into Rwanda’s past and resilience.
– Eco-Tourism
Rwanda promotes sustainable travel, including forest hikes, bird watching, and conservation programs.
More factors contributing to Rwanda’s political and economic conducive environment:
Safety:
Rwanda is widely recognized as one of the safest countries in Africa. Indeed, it is the first safest country in Africa. It is also the second safest country in the world, for female solo travelers. Rwanda has a low crime rate and a high safety index, making it a secure place for both residents and visitors.
Efficient policing and strict law enforcement have been at the forefront of safety and stability, offering a sense of comfort and tranquility to the communities.
Travelers, including solo females, find Rwanda as a popular destination given its combination of adequate tourism infrastructure with the strong safety reputation.
Ease of doing business:
Rwanda is recognized as having an easy-to-do-business environment, particularly within Sub-Saharan Africa. It consistently ranks among the top economies in the region in the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business index.
Rwanda’s high ranking is attributed to its pro-business policies and reforms, making it an attractive location for both domestic and foreign investment.
The country has made significant progress in areas like starting a business, dealing with construction permits, and getting electricity.
Rwanda offers preferential tax rates and incentives in strategic sectors, such as ICT, financial services, and energy.
The country’s political stability, low crime rates, and low level of petty corruption are also contributing factors to its ease of doing business.
Zero tolerance for corruption
Rwanda has a strong commitment to fighting corruption, adhering to a “zero tolerance” policy. This is evidenced by the implementation of the National Anti-Corruption Policy in 2012, the Anti-Corruption Law in 2018, and specialized anti-corruption courts.
The Government also actively promotes transparency and accountability through measures like digitizing public services, the whistleblower policy, to reduce opportunities for corruption.
In Rwanda, no person is immune from judicial suits when suspected of corruption behaviors.
Fiscal and non-fiscal incentives to back investment opportunities
The environment of investment and business has been boosted by Governments incentives to attract investors and sanitize the economic sector. Fiscal and non-fiscal incentives are some of the important Governments measures.
Fiscal incentives
Zero corporate income tax for companies planning to relocate headquarters to Rwanda
– 15% preferential corporate income tax for strategic sectors i.e. energy, transport, affordable housing, ICT and financial services.
– Accelerated depreciation of 50% for key priority sectors i.e. tourism, construction, manufacturing and agro-processing
– Exemption of capital gains tax
– Seven-Year corporate income tax Holiday for large projects in strategic sectors i.e energy, exports, tourism, health, manufacturing and ICT
– Repatriation of capital and assets.
Non-Fiscal incentives
– Quick business and investment online registration
– Assistance with tax-related services and exemptions
– Assistance to access utilities (water & electricity)
– Assistance with obtaining visas and work permits
– One stop center that provides notary services
– Provision of Aftercare services to fast-track project implementation.
One of the top contributors to UN Peacekeeping Missions:
Rwanda is one of the top contributors of troops and police to UN peacekeeping missions. In fact, it’s currently the second-largest contributor.
Rwanda’s participation in peacekeeping is rooted in a moral duty to prevent similar tragedies to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The service of Rwandan troupes has been exemplary in many ways. Discipline, civilian protection and lifesaving are the best characteristics that define the Rwandan Peacekeepers.
The highest number of female parliamentarians:
Rwanda has the highest percentage of female parliamentarians globally, with women holding 63.75% of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies. This is significantly above the global average and has been a national priority since the 2003 Constitution which mandated a 30% quota for female representation in parliament.
Rwanda has consistently topped the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s (IPU) monthly ranking of women in national parliaments, solidifying its position as a global leader in gender equality in parliament.
The increased representation of women in parliament and other public entities has been lauded for its positive impact on policy making and overall governance.
Rwandas political context has been strongly defined by deep colonial divisionism that marked the political life of the country until the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The genocide ideology is still a danger lingering in the Great Lakes Region and spread wide online.
Despite the political hardship owing to the past environment of the worst genocide 31 years ago, Rwanda has maintained its economic growth. Good governance and rigor in public wealth management have contributed significantly to the overall development of Rwanda.
Moreover, Rwanda’s focus on sustainable development and its commitment to fostering a friendly business environment make it an exciting place for investment and tourism.
by Cally Alles,
Hon. Consul for The Republic of Rwanda in Sri Lanka
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
-
News6 days agoLanka faces crisis of conscience over fate of animals: Call for compassion, law reform, and ethical responsibility
-
News5 days agoWhistleblowers ask Treasury Chief to resign over theft of USD 2.5 mn
-
News5 days agoNo cyber hack: Fintech expert exposes shocking legacy flaws that led to $2.5 million theft
-
News2 days agoBIA drug bust: 25 monks including three masterminds arrested
-
Business3 days agoNestlé Lanka Announces Change in Leadership
-
News2 days agoBanks alert customers to phishing attacks
-
News3 days agoHackers steal $3.2 Mn from Finance Ministry
-
News6 days agoUSD 2 mn bribe: CID ordered to arrest Shasheendra R, warrant issued against ex-SriLankan CEO’s wife

