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Remembering a politician of integrity

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By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

Mr Chandrakumara Wijaya Gunawardena, former MP for Kamburupitiya, who breathed his last, a year ago on 9th, August 2020, was a politician of a rare breed; one with integrity. He stood for moral principles, irrespective of consequences. With the benefit of hindsight, most of us now wonder whether the passing of the 13th Amendment, to our constitution, in 1987, forced down our throats by our ‘big brother’, was a mistake, but he foresaw it. Resisting the mighty pressure by the all-powerful JRJ, who enforced a three-line whip, he abstained from voting. Though his conscience would have dictated voting against it, he opted for the compromise as he did not want to demonstrate indiscipline. A commentator, well in the know of politicians, described him as a gentleman to his fingertips; a rare compliment but well deserved!

Out of the huge crop of UNP MPs, in a government with a steam-roller five-sixths majority, only one other had the guts to join Chandrakumara; the member for his adjoining electorate Hakmana, who also entered Parliament with him, elected at the by-elections of 1983. Yes, it is non other than the present speaker of Parliament, Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena.

In spite of 13A having sailed through, infuriated by the action of these puny MPs, JR decided to sack the two of them. Lawyer Chandrakumara, supported by his colleague, decided that the best option was legal action and filed a petition with the Supreme Court. Taken aback by this unexpected turn of events, JR called them and demanded an apology to lift the suspension but had to settle for an expression of regret. They were back in the fold and the petition was withdrawn! This episode, no doubt, more than justifies my branding him as a politician of integrity.

Till his death, Chandrakumara was an unwavering supporter of the UNP for six long decades, having joined to support the election campaign of my father, Justin Wijayawardhana, the first from the UNP to capture the Communist fortress of Matara, in March 1960. Though he lost in the 1960 July election, my father continued to nurse the electorate and was fairly certain of victory in the 1965 election but was forced to move to Kamburupitiya, in order to accommodate Mahanama Samaraweera as a candidate allied to the UNP, as he crossed over from the SLFP with C. P. de Silva. Though he was unsuccessful, my father paved the way for Chandrakumara, and after that for my brother, Ranjan, to represent the voters of Kamburupitiya.

Chandrkumara’s father and my father were best of friends, from childhood, both hailing from Godagama, a picturesque village, two miles from Matara town, comprising of islets of habitation, separated by swathes of green paddy fields then. The handsome Ayurvedic Physician Don Charles Gunawardena, impeccably dressed in white cloth, shirt and coat, was a frequent visitor to my father’s house as he too was in the group of dedicated, like-minded people in the Swastika movement, an association for social upliftment which my father started; the launch pad for his long career of social service. Another active member had been the younger of my father’s two nangis, Sophaya Eugene who progressively got attracted to the handsome ayurvedic physician resulting in their marriage in 1935. They had eight children, the first being Chandrakumara, born on 25th July 1936. I had a reverential attitude to ‘Chandrayya’ but had a closer association with his next two siblings ‘Chitranganieakka’ and Daya. Chithranganie died of ovarian cancer, in her youth, unfortunately.

Chandrakumara had his early education in Dharmaraja Vidyalaya, in the adjoining village of Hittetiya, and moved for secondary education to Rahula College, Matara. During his stay in Rahula, Chandrakumara displayed his talents by publishing a magazine called “Ran Tharu” which he co-edited with his life-long friend Dayapala Withanathantri. Fearing the corruptibility of university education, Chandrakumara was advised by his father to enter The Teacher’s Training college to become an English teacher but a fatal accident changed history. On his way home from the dispensary, in Matara Main Street, Gunawardena ‘Loku Vedamahattya’ sent Daya, who was travelling with him on the pillion of the cycle, to give a contribution for a ceremony at the village temple, and stayed on the main Matara-Akuressa road, leaning on his bicycle. A van, driven at high speed, struck him down, killing him instantaneously.

Though his father’s younger brother, D A Gunawardena ‘Peti Vedamahattaya’ took over the practice, helping the family financially, Chandrakumara was forced to assume the responsibility of looking after seven siblings. Realising that he could not do this as a teacher, guided by his other maternal uncle, D E Wijayawardhana, Chandrakumara decided to enter Law College, which he did in 1955. I too was helped to stand up to my father, who wanted me to enter the Ceylon Civil Service, by uncle D E W who got me the admission forms to Ananda College, Colombo, which facilitated my career. Whilst canvassing for my brother, Ranjan in the general Election of 1989, Bappa was killed by the JVP and one of the greatest regrets in our families is that his body was never found, preventing a fitting farewell to a guiding light.

Chandrakumara started as an Attorney-at-law in Matara, in 1960, and very soon developed a lucrative practice. He embarked on politics at the same time, joining the UNP and initially supporting my father. He was elected the Chairman of the Matara Urban Council in 1976 but gave up in 1983, when he was persuaded to contest the Kamburupitiya by-election. It was one of the few electorates the UNP lost at the infamous ‘pot referendum’ JR held to extend the life of the 1977 Parliament and Chandrakumara was able to regain Kamburupitiya for the UNP. Prime Minister R Premadasa, who recognised the talents of Chandrakumara, appointed him to head the Finance committee. Partly due to the frustration at the way he was treated in 1987, when he abstained from supporting the 13A, and partly because of the introduction of the district electoral system, he opted not to contest the 1989 election when Prime Minister Premadasa persuaded my brother Ranjan to contest, successfully. However, he continued in local politics, being the leader of the opposition of Matara Municipal council from 1991 to 1997.

Chandrakumara’s prolonged bachelorhood was ended by his friend Attorney-at-law Karunadasa, who invited him to meet Indrani and her brothers, Ariya and Buddhi Wickrama, at his residence in Mount Lavinia. Match-making by the lawyer-friend worked magic and they were soon married. Indrani, a teacher by profession, was of tremendous help to Chandrakumara in all aspects of his career, including his politics and his great devotion to the international Lions movement. He was very proud of his service and achievements through Lions International Movement and ended up being a District Governor. He supported many Buddhist Temples in the area and was the President of the Dayaka Sabha of many. He supported the Rohana Special School in Matara and was the treasurer for over 50 years. He was on the board of Hellabeem Sri Lanka Trust for 10 years from 2009.

Chnadrakumara and Indrani produced two daughters; Senani, a graduate teacher, who opted to be a housewife after her marriage to Kapila Liyanagamage, a lawyer, and Chandima, a lecturer, is married to Hetu Nanayakkara, an engineer. They and their children gave enormous comfort to Chandrakumara, during his last few months when he was incapacitated due to arthritis.

With the help of his friend, Dayapala Withanathanthri, Chandrakumara produced a short synopsis of his life and times titled “Avarjana” (Retrospection) and I am very grateful to my cousin Lal Wijayawardhana for getting me a copy of it. Reading it, I learned a lot about, not only Chandrakumara but also about my family. I never knew that my father started a Sinhala national newspaper, from Matara, titled “Sinhalaya” on 15 April 1940. I just do not know how long it survived!

May Chandrayya attain the supreme bless of Nibbana!



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Features

US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp

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Migrant boats land on Western beaches. Credit: PA

The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.

What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.

Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’

While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.

The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.

Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.

While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.

Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.

To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.

However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.

Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.

One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.

Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.

Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.

Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s demands. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.

However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.

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A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold

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YM75 "James" surveys his territory from a tree-top vantage point, demonstrating the leopard's commanding presence in the landscape.

The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.

For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.

What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.

“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”

That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.

For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.

“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”

These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.

What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.

From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.

Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.

Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.

Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.

The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.

There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.

There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.

Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.

Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.

Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.

“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”

The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.

Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.

The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.

Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.

“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.

His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.

As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.

Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.

For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.

Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.

And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.

By Ifham Nizam

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Glamour, music and community spirit …

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Sri Lankans are quite active, all around the globe.

News has just come my way, from Glasgow, in Scotland, where the glamour of masks, music, dancing, and community spirit, came together, in spectacular fashion, at Masquerade Night, bringing together members of the Sri Lankan community for an evening filled with music, fashion, food and entertainment.

Organised by Mahesh Balaaratchi (DJ Mowgli) together with Sulochana Asmone, Hiroshini, Prasad, Ashi, and Shawn, the evening provided guests with an opportunity to socialise, enjoy live entertainment, and celebrate in a unique and elegant setting.

Guests arrived from 6:00 pm, dressed in formal attire and decorative masks, creating a colourful and vibrant atmosphere throughout the venue.

DJ Mowgli: The main
organiser of
Masquerade Night

There was a delicious selection of Sri Lankan cuisine and street food, which proved popular throughout the evening.

The buffet offered a variety of traditional favourites, giving attendees a taste of home while adding to the festive atmosphere.

Entertainment was provided by DJ Mowgli, whose performance kept the audience engaged throughout the night. His playlist featured a mixture of popular favourites, dance classics, and cultural music, remixed for a younger generation.

One of the highlights of the evening was the Baila session, which brought a distinctly Sri Lankan flavour to the event.

The Baila segment highlighted the importance of preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, while bringing people together through music and dance.

As familiar rhythms filled the room, guests enthusiastically took to the dance floor, creating one of the most memorable moments of the night.

The crowd was described as lively, energetic, and welcoming, with attendees embracing the spirit of the masquerade theme while enjoying the opportunity to reconnect with friends and meet new people. The family-friendly atmosphere ensured that guests of all ages could take part in the celebrations.

The festivities continued until midnight and included a range of competitions and entertainment.

Children and adults alike participated in fashion shows, while guests competed for awards in several ‘Best Dressed’ categories.

The creativity and effort displayed in both costumes and formal wear added an extra layer of excitement to the evening.

As the final songs played and guests prepared to leave, many were already looking forward to the next Event Night.

The evening’s proceedings were handled by Sam, Mahela and Isuru.

Their enthusiasm reflected the growing popularity of these gatherings and their increasing importance, within the local community calendar.

A series of community events has continued to grow in popularity among the Sri Lankans in Glasgow, with Halloween Night coming up on 31st October.

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