Features
Rehashing the failures of the Left
By Uditha Devapriya
In Sri Lanka, March conjures visions of big matches, cycle parades, and elitist tamashas in Colombo. This March, we will be seeing an outpouring of opposition, defiance, resistance. The outpouring is in the form of anger at the powers that be and their enforcement of austerity at any price. The elite of course see austerity as a prelude to stability, and conflate the two: hence the tendentious sermonising about the necessity of the reforms they are implementing now. Protesters and demonstrators, on the other hand, are demanding greater equity and fairness: they are not against these reforms, but against what they see as unfair taxes and tariff hikes. There is clearly a disconnect here.
The Sri Lankan State has always resorted to force to assert its will. This is what a State does, anywhere. Yet for all its flaws and excesses, the Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime thought twice about resorting to the kind of force that we are seeing today. That government was caught off-guard and plunged straight into a crisis for which neither it nor the country at large was ready. Against such a backdrop, the Rajapaksa regime did not know how to respond to an unprecedented groundswell of popular hatred.
As Lakshman Gunasekara has clearly, and aptly, observed, the protests showed not so much a seething discontent with the regime as a pivotal shift in the government’s constituencies, in particular the Southern peasantry and Sinhala middle-classes. In other words, the regime’s biggest supporters were turning against their man. The absence, in their eyes, of an alternative leadership in the Opposition meant that these classes had only one option, that of popular revolt.
The government’s seeming inability to mobilise itself in the face of these protests had to do with the fact that protesters came under one roof – in Galle Face – with one aim in mind, namely deposing the President. There may have been differences, and as the days and months progressed, as the President appointed his former arch-rival as his Prime Minister, these differences did come to light. But by and large, the President did not budge or blink. He remained where he was and this enabled protesters to proceed with their campaign to remove him. In doing this they were willing to overlook petty political differences. It is an open secret that Sri Lanka’s middle-classes have a phobia against socialist politics. And yet, with their aim of toppling a reviled President, they allowed left-wing elements, particularly the FSP-allied IUSF, into the protests, expressing solidarity with them.
Colombo’s liberal commentariat welcomed this. For them, it was something to be praised, encouraged. Yet underlying it was a fatal contradiction. The protesters were all united, yes, but only insofar as their goal of getting rid of Gotabaya Rajapaksa remained unachieved or unrealised. The IUSF managed to parade itself, understandably, as heroes of the day: when they walked to Colombo, nearly everyone at Galle Face got up and cheered them. Yet not long ago, when the police and army were deployed to baton-charge, tear-gas, and imprison them, the middle-classes valorising them today took to social media to excoriate them. The immiseration of this class transformed their outlook. They had once looked up to the army, nationalist politicians, and fellow travellers. Now they were looking up to student protesters and their fellow travellers. There was something astonishing about this.
Whether the Left’s aims in, and for, these protests were right or wrong is another debate altogether. I am concerned here with a much narrower perspective: that of political survival. From that vantage point, it’s clear that the Left failed to establish itself at the centre of the protests when they could have. Gotagogama had been patronised if not funded by moneyed interests: it would be ridiculous to suggest otherwise. These moneyed interests – including not just wealthy expatriates but also business elites hard done by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration’s economic policies – were admittedly invested in the popular uprising. But they were not willing to go beyond that moment. This much should have been clear to the Left when, after Rajapaksa’s appointment of Ranil Wickremesinghe, a section of the protests moved out or sounded caution on the movement. Even at such a juncture, when it was clear the momentum of the protests would be lost, neither the IUSF nor the Left parties linked to it or associated with it did much to ensure their continuity.
There is an argument currently going around, peddled mainly by the Left, but also the liberal intelligentsia, that last year’s aragalaya transcended ethno-racial distinctions, that it had the trappings of a truly “Sri Lankan” movement. But this is telling only half the story. The silence of northern civil society, even in the face of growing unrest in Colombo and the rest of the country, revealed differences between those same ethno-racial groups that left and liberal commentators contended the aragalaya had brought together at Galle Face Green. And it wasn’t just ethno-religious distinctions. The aragalaya, typical for any leaderless movement, played host to an array of individuals and classes, some of whom may have envisioned the protests as a platform for tolerance, but many of whom were not above using chauvinist rhetoric to amplify their appeal. The homophobic slurs I was privy to at Gotagogama, on the day before Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation, showed that much.
Again, there is nothing really to critique in this. Liberals may beg to differ, but a popular uprising mobilises collectives and classes from across a wide spectrum. Given the lack of a definitive leadership in them, such uprisings typically make use of populist rhetoric to push itself forward. The fact is that in the context of the aragalaya at Gotagogama, this rhetoric was directed exclusively at, and against, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The Left was unable to use that rhetoric to their advantage because it was directed at a person and did not cover, still less address, the systemic dimensions of the crisis. There is a simple reason for this. By April 2022 a consensus had built up, peddled by Colombo’s economic establishment, that the roots of the crisis lay in an overstretched public sector and welfare system, and that this had entrenched political elites. The establishment was able to perpetuate this narrative so well that when the walls came crashing down on Gotabaya Rajapaksa in July, it swiftly turned the tables on socialist outfits that had until then enjoyed much support.
Supporters of the present government – or specifically, the present President – have frequently noted that it was the protests which enabled him to come to power. This is a line touted by the New Left, particularly the JVP-NPP, as well. As an affirmation or a critique of the status quo, it is only half-correct: the aragalaya demanded a system change, but did not quite specify what, or who, they wanted. Yet it demanded an overhaul of the status quo. By definition, this included Ranil Wickremesinghe. When Rajapaksa took him in as his Prime Minister, he may or may not have known that his days were numbered. On the other hand, Wickemesinghe may or may not have known that his time was coming. In that context, as a yet docile Premier, Wickremesinghe made use of the movement to project himself as a voice of sanity, a progressive political force.
What could the Left have done? It’s hard to say. What was undeniably clear then was that Rajapaksa would go: it was a question of when, not if. But what came after? I know a few JVP-NPP supporters who allege that the FSP stole the thunder or the moment, made use of its lack of representation in parliament, and started clamouring for a people’s parliament outside the democratic system. The JVP-NPP did not heed such calls at first. But faced with immense pressure, so the JVP-NPP’s supporters critical of the FSP tell me, they joined the call to walk to parliament after July 13. The result was that it became much easier for anti-Left elements in the aragalaya – and there were very many of them, prime among them the social media stars – who cautioned against these outfits and who successfully depicted the JVP-NPP and FSP as a monolithic movement. This only empowered Ranil Wickremesinghe to resort to the “Against Anarchy” line his regime has been touting ever since.
Will the Left learn from these mistakes? I think they should. And I think they eventually will. Yet the old problems remain. The recent spate of protests is directed at one thing: unfair taxation. The economic right today is busy depicting this struggle as contradictory to the aims of the very left-wing, socialist groups organising it: these groups, so the argument goes, are against higher taxation of the sort that socialist parties elsewhere are promoting. It is unclear what answers the Left has to such questions. Yet in the absence of clear, definitive answers to them, it will continue to run the risk of marginalisation – not by the State, but more insidiously by right-wing interest groups which have always opposed them, and which have, historically, preferred to side with the State against them.
The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Sri Lanka needs to take full stock of its current economic situation and use to the maximum the potential in its GSP+ facility for export sector growth. In the process, it should ensure that it cooperates fully with the European Union. The urgency of undertaking these responsibilities is underscored by the issues growing out of the recent US decision to sweepingly hike tariffs on its imports, though differentially.
These were principal ‘takes’ for participants in the Pathfinder Foundation’s Ambassadors’ Roundtable forum held on April 8th at the Colombo Club of the Taj Samudra. The main presenter at the event was Ms. Carmen Moreno Raymundo, Ambassador of the European Union to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The forum was chaired by Ambassador Bernard Goonetilleke, Chairman, Pathfinder Foundation. The event brought together a cross-section of the local public, including the media.
Ms. Moreno drew attention to the fact Sri Lanka is at present severely under utilizing its GSP+ facility, which is the main means for Sri Lanka to enter the very vast EU market of 450 million people. In fact the EU has been Sri Lanka’s biggest trading partner. In 2023, for instance, total trade between the partners stood at Euros 3.84 billion. There is no greater market but the EU region for Sri Lanka.
‘However, only Sri Lanka’s apparel sector has seen considerable growth over the years. It is the only export sector in Sri Lanka which could be said to be fully developed. However, wider ranging export growth is possible provided Sri Lanka exploits to the fullest the opportunities presented by GSP+.’
Moreno added, among other things: ‘Sri Lanka is one among only eight countries that have been granted the EU’s GSP+ facility. The wide-ranging export possibilities opened by the facility are waiting to be utilized. In the process, the country needs to participate in world trade in a dynamic way. It cannot opt for a closed economy. As long as economic vibrancy remains unachieved, Sri Lanka cannot enter into world trading arrangements from a strong position. Among other things, Sri Lanka must access the tools that will enable it to spot and make full use of export opportunities.
‘Sri Lanka must facilitate the private sector in a major way and make it possible for foreign investors to enter the local economy with no hassle and compete for local business opportunities unfettered. At present, Lanka lacks the relevant legal framework to make all this happen satisfactorily.
‘Sri Lanka cannot opt for what could be seen as opaque arrangements with bilateral economic partners. Transparency must be made to prevail in its dealings with investors and other relevant quarters. It’s the public good that must be ensured. The EU would like to see the local economy further opening up for foreign investment.
‘However, it is important that Sri Lanka cooperates with the EU in the latter’s efforts to bring about beneficial outcomes for Sri Lankans. Cooperation could be ensured by Sri Lanka fully abiding by the EU conditions that are attendant on the granting of GSP+. There are, for example, a number of commitments and international conventions that Sri Lanka signed up to and had promised to implement on its receipt of GSP+ which have hitherto not been complied with. Some of these relate to human rights and labour regulations.
‘Successive governments have pledged to implement these conventions but thus far nothing has happened by way of compliance. GSP+ must be seen as an opportunity and not a threat and by complying with EU conditions the best fruits could be reaped from GSP+. It is relevant to remember that GSP+ was granted to Sri Lanka in 2005. It was suspended five years later and restored in 2017.
‘The importance of compliance with EU conditions is greatly enhanced at present in view of the fact that Sri Lanka is currently being monitored by the EU with regard to compliance ahead of extending GSP+ next year. A report on Sri Lanka is due next year wherein the country’s performance with regard to cooperating with the EU would be assessed. The continuation of the facility depends on the degree of cooperation.
‘A few statistics would bear out the importance of Sri Lanka’s partnership with the EU. For example, under the facility Sri Lanka benefits from duty free access in over 66% of EU tariff lines. The highest number of tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka in 2023 was from the EU’s 27 member states. Likewise, the EU’s 27 member states rank second in the origin of inflows of foreign exchange to Sri Lanka; with Italy, France and Germany figuring as the main countries of origin. Eighty five percent of Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market benefits from GSP+. Thus, the stakes for the country are high.’
Meanwhile, President, In-house Counsel & Legal Advisor, The European Chamber of Commerce of Sri Lanka, John Wilson said: ‘GSP+ should be seen as not only an opportunity but also as a necessity by Sri Lanka in the current international economic climate. ‘Implementation of local laws is what is needed. Considering the pressures growing out of the US imposed new tariff regime, a good dialogue with the EU is needed.
‘Sri Lanka’s level of business readiness must be upped. Among the imperatives are: An electronic procurement process, Customs reforms, a ‘National Single Window’, stepped-up access to land by investors, for example, a clear policy framework on PPPs and reform of the work permits system.’
It ought to be plain to see from the foregoing that Sri Lanka cannot afford to lose the GSP+ facility if it is stepped-up economic growth that is aimed at. It would be in Sri Lanka’s best interests to remain linked with the EU, considering the aggravated material hardships that could come in the wake of the imposition of the US’ new tariff regime. Sri Lanka would need to remain in a dialogue process with the EU, voice its reservations on matters growing out of GSP+, if any, iron out differences and ensure that its national interest is secured.
Chit-Chat
Chiara Tissera
Mrs. Queen of the World Sri Lanka 2024, Chiara Tissera, leaves for the finals, in the USA, next month
I had a very interesting chat with her and this is how it all went:
1. How would you describe yourself?
I am a sensitive and passionate individual who deeply cares about the things that matter most to me. I approach life with a heart full of enthusiasm and a desire to make meaningful connections.
2. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?
Actually, I wouldn’t change a thing about myself because the person I am today, both inside and out, is the result of everything I’ve experienced. Every part of me has shaped who I am, so I embrace both my strengths and imperfections as they make me uniquely me.
3. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?
If there’s one thing I could change about my family, it would be having my father back with us. Losing him six years ago left a void that can never be filled, but his memory continues to guide and inspire us every day.
4. School?
I went to St. Jude’s College, Kurana, and I’m really proud to say that the lessons I gained during my time there have shaped who I am today. My school and teachers instilled in me values of hard work, perseverance and the importance of community, and I carry those lessons with me every day. I was a senior prefect and was selected the Deputy Head Prefect of our college during my tenure.
5. Happiest moment?
The happiest moment of my life so far has been winning the Mrs. Sri Lanka 2024 for Queen of the World. It was a dream come true and a truly unforgettable experience, one that fills me with pride and gratitude every time I reflect on it.
6. What is your idea of perfect happiness?
Happiness is a deeply personal and multifaceted feeling that often comes from a sense of contentment, fulfillment and well-being. For me, perfect happiness is in moments of joy, peace and accomplishments … and also being surrounded by my loved ones.
7. Are you religious?
Yes, I’m a very religious person. And I’m a firm believer in God. My faith guides me through life, providing strength, dedication and a sense of peace in every situation. I live by the quote, ‘Do your best, and God will do the rest.’
8. Are you superstitious?
I’m not superstitious. I believe in making my own decisions and relying on logic and faith rather than following superstitions.
9. Your ideal guy?
My ideal guy is my husband. He is compassionate, understanding and is always there to support me, no matter what. He’s my rock and my best friend – truly everything I could ever want in a partner.
10. Which living person do you most admire?
The living person I admire the most is definitely my mummy. Her strength, love and unwavering support has shaped me into who I am today. She is my role model and she inspires me every day with her wisdom and kindness.
11. Your most treasured possession?
My most treasured possession is my family. They are the heart of my life, providing me with love, support and strength. Their presence is my greatest blessing.
12. If you were marooned on a desert island, who would you like as your companion?
I would like to have my spouse as my companion. Together, we could make the best of the situation, supporting each other, sharing moments of laughter and finding creative ways to survive and thrive.
13. Your most embarrassing moment?
There’s quite a few, for sure, but nothing is really coming to mind right now.
14. Done anything daring?
Yes, stepping out of my comfort zone and taking part in a pageant. I had no experience and was nervous about putting myself out there, but I decided to challenge myself and go for it. It pushed me to grow in so many ways—learning to embrace confidence, handle pressure, and appreciate my own uniqueness. The experience not only boosted my self-esteem but also taught me the value of taking risks and embracing new opportunities, even when they feel intimidating.”
15. Your ideal vacation?
It would be to Paris. The city has such a magical vibe and, of course, exploring the magical Eiffel Tower is in my bucket list. Especially the city being a mix of history culture and modern life in a way that feels timeless, I find it to be the ideal vacation spot for me.
16. What kind of music are you into?
I love romantic songs. I’m drawn to its emotional depth and the way they express love, longing a connection. Whether it’s a slow ballad, a classic love song or a more modern romantic tune these songs speak to my heart.
17. Favourite radio station?
I don’t have a specific radio station that I like, but I tend to enjoy a variety of stations, depending on my mood. Sometimes I’ll tune into one for a mix of popular hits, other times I might go for something more relaxing, or a station with a certain vibe. So I just like to keep it flexible and switch it up.
18. Favourite TV station?
I hardly find the time to sit down and watch TV. But, whenever I do find a little spare time, I tend to do some spontaneous binge – watching, catching whatever interesting show is on at that moment.
19 What would you like to be born as in your next life?
Mmmm, I’ve actually not thought about it, but I’d love to be born as someone who gets to explore the world freely – perhaps a bird soaring across continents.
20. Any major plans for the future?
Let’s say preparing and participating in the international pageant happening in the USA this May. It’s an exciting opportunity to represent myself and my country on a global stage. Alongside this, I am dedicated to continuing my social service work as a title holder, striving to make a meaningful difference in the lives of others through my platform.
The formation of wrinkles and fine lines is part of our ageing process. However, if these wrinkles negatively impact appearance, making one look older than they actually are, then trying out some homemade remedies, I’ve listed for you, this week, may help in giving your skin a fresher look.
* Banana:
Bananas are considered to be our skin’s best friend. They contain natural oils and vitamins that work very perfectly to boost our skin health. Skincare experts recommend applying the banana paste to the skin.
Take a ripe banana and mash a quarter of it until it becomes a smooth paste. Apply a thin layer of the banana paste on your skin and allow it to sit for 15 to 20 minutes before washing it off with warm water.
* Olive Oil:
Olive oil works as a great skin protector and many types of research suggest that even consuming olive oil may protect the skin from developing more wrinkles. Olive oil contains compounds that can increase the skin’s collagen levels. Yes, olive oil can be used as a dressing on your salads, or other food, if you want to consume it, otherwise, you can apply a thin layer of olive oil on your face, neck and hands and let it stay overnight.
* Ginger:
Ginger serves to be a brilliant anti-wrinkle remedy because of the high content of antioxidants in it. Ginger helps in breaking down elastin, which is one of the main reasons for wrinkles. You can have ginger tea or grate ginger and have it with honey, on a regular basis.
* Aloe Vera:
The malic acid present in Aloe Vera helps in improving your skin’s elasticity, which helps in reducing your wrinkles. Apply the gel once you extract it from the plant, and leave it on for 15-20 minutes. You can wash it off with warm water.
* Lemons:
Lemons contain citric acid, which is a strong exfoliant that can help you get rid of your dead skin cells and wrinkles. Also, as an astringent and a cleansing agent, it helps to fade your wrinkles and fine lines. You can gently rub a lemon slice in your wrinkled skin and leave it on for 10-15 minutes. Rinse afterwards and repeat this process two to three times a day.
* Coconut Oil:
Coconut oil contains essential fatty acid that moisturises the skin and helps to retain its elasticity. You can directly apply the coconut oil, and leave it overnight, after gently massaging it, for the best results.
Sun directly overhead Hatthikuchchi, Kalankuttiya, Halmillewa, Ipalogama, Palugaswewa and Habarana at about 12:11 noon. today [10]
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