Features
Reform or mutiny at Ceylon Electricity Board?
The standoff between the Government of Sri Lanka and what I would call the ‘union government’ of the Ceylon Electricity Board is now entering its fourth week. The standoff has been created by the seemingly mutinous Engineers of the CEB against the government’s restructuring of the institution and the electricity sector itself. The Sunday Island’s editorial last week called the standoff a game of chicken. In the game theory model of conflict between two parties, it is the union government that seems to be chickening out. The NPP government is the one that seems to be driving through without yielding to what is patently professional blackmail.
The government first kickstarted the reform or restructuring of the CEB in accordance with the Electricity (Amendment) Act that it passed earlier in the year, and which provides for unbundling CEB into six separate state-owned holding companies. Four of the six companies are now being established that will respectively take over the current functional divisions in the CEB, viz., Power Generation, Power Distribution, National Grid Control, and National Transmission and Network Services. The two dealing with CEB’s assets and the management of employee provident funds are to be set up later.
Although the government claimed that the reform launch has been well received by employees, CEB union leadership counter-launched a multi-phased protest starting with the work to rule format and the ultimatum that there would be a full-blown strike if the government would not agree to union demands. The demands are not very specific and have been spelt out mostly in rhetorical terms.
In my reading of the union rhetoric, there are two improbable commandments: 1) there shall be a new collective agreement between the government of Sri Lanka and the union government of the CEB that will bind the government of Sri Lanka in perpetuity to the union government demands under not only the present CEB structure but also in all the six different companies that the CEB reform process is legislated to create; and 2) there shall be a parallel oversight of the entire reform process as well as the post-reform electricity sector, and this parallel oversight shall be provided by the present union government and its successors created through the aforesaid new collective agreement.
In short, the current crop of Electrical Engineers at the CEB would appear to be arguing that electricity is so important to the country that there must be a parallel electrical government run by Electrical Engineers at CEB in addition to the country’s elected government. These claims have nothing to do with professional obligations or revolutionary trade unionism. They are simply mafia blackmail. My indictment here is not intended to bad-brush every Electrical Engineer at CEB. Not at all. There are good engineers who are also good people. But they are helpless against the behemoth of a union that the bloated CEB has institutionally created.
Essential Service
On the two main reform contentions, viz., the status of current CEB employees in the new companies, and the public ownership of the new companies, both President Dissanayake and Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody have confirmed that the four new companies will remain state-owned, and that the current CEB employees will be protected either through continuation of employment or voluntary retirement with compensation.
On September 21, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake issued a gazette order declaring electricity services as essential services, thereby rendering any strike action to disrupt them to be deemed illegal. Almost immediately the President’s declaration was endorsed by Parliament without debate, which virtually makes it unanimous. There is no authority higher than that – when the executive and the entire legislature without division act in unison to declare electricity an essential service. But not so for the union government of the CEB. So, it seemed.
There was muttering that the CEB union government was going to challenge the declaration of electricity services as essential services. “The gloves are off,” shouted one observer and went on to warn that if the union government were to orchestrate extended power cuts, the NPP government might be inviting another Aragalaya for its own overthrow. The “president and his men” were advised to “regain the confidence of the working class”! This fear mongering would appear to have waned in the wake of news reports that “several trade unions”, out of the 28 that are at CEB, are backing out of the strike that had been planned for September 25, while continuing with the work-to-rule protest format that they were on from early September.
Some of the unions have reportedly indicated that they welcome the current “restructuring as an opportunity to finally break what they call the engineers’ monopoly at the CEB.” Even Human Resources are apparently managed by Engineers, one of whom, as has been reported, ventured to provide the bizarre rationale that “[T]he CEB is a technical institute. For instance, tariff filing is a highly technical area involving formulas, mathematical equations, and parameters, so it naturally falls to engineers. Also, reforms could allow HR professionals to take charge in a new system, but under the current setup, an HR professional without technical knowledge cannot survive even one week.” That says it all!
In my view, it is unfortunate that the government did not engage the CEB union leaders in a televised public forum to hear and respond to their ‘grievances.’ Everyone in the country would have been able to see who is being reasonable and who is bluffing. More importantly, people would have seen how the facts are aligned and who is making things up. A public encounter would have given the government the opportunity to explain to the people, the purposes of reform and its processes in non-technical language. In my view, the government of Sri Lanka has a strong case on the facts as we know them. In fact, a very strong case both politically and technically. The main weakness of the government is that it has not been presenting its case to the people with clarity and consistency. On the other hand, the union government of the CEB has no case at all.
Reform and Renewables
Whichever way the current controversy plays out, the current reform process by itself will not address the CEB’s crisis or the country’s energy predicament. At present over 50% of power generation is provided by non-renewable sources, i.e., coal (43%) and thermal (11%). Of the renewable sources of power, hydro accounts for 43% and wind for 3%. The CEB’s Long Term Generation Expansion Plan – a 20-year plan from 2025 to 2045, is committed to achieving the national objective of 70% power generation using renewable sources.
The Plan envisages that “solar power will be the prime driver of this expansion.” In addition, the plan expects the conversion of the West Coast and the Kelanithissa power plants to using natural gas as a relatively cleaner new source, and includes a roadmap for introducing nuclear power toward the end of the planning period.
The progressive expansion of non-renewable sources of power is imperative not only for environmental reasons, but also and more importantly for reducing the high generation costs of the non-renewable, thermal and coal, sources. But the development of solar and wind power generation requires curtailment and storage capacities in the system, as well as pricing mechanisms, to cope with the temporal variability of the two sources and the associated supply/demand fluctuations.
For all the talk about expanding solar and wind energy sources, there has been little discussion about the total non-development of storage capacities either through a battery system and/or through a pumped power plant storage system. According to Electrical Engineers of my vintage, the non development of storage capacities to accommodate the expansion of wind and solar sources is a longstanding problem that has been aggravated owing to inaction by previous governments over several decades. It is the lack of storage capacities that forces power system operators to limit purchasing solar/wind powers and/or call for shutting them off at source during low demand periods. The so-called diesel generation mafia is not a technical explanation, unless the mafia has been a factor in delaying the development of storage capacities.
Now, as with every other problem, the NPP government is left having to answer for the shortcomings of its predecessors. The NPP has not been helping itself either by its inability to explain the issues involved and how it is addressing them. There has not been much publicity given to the CEB’s own program to establish Battery Storage Systems at 16 Grid Substations in the country. International tenders have been called for implementing ten of them on a build-operate-own basis. The deadline for tenders, which were announced in August, has been extended to October 14, and it is not clear if the process will be frustrated by CEB Engineers refusing to be part of the tender process in their current work-to-rule mode.
Earlier in February, the CEB announced its plans for the Maha Oya Pumped Storage Hydropower Project, which would be the island’s first-ever ‘water battery.’ Located in Aranayake and Nawalapitiya, the water-battery scheme will include two ponds or reservoirs at different heights; during high supplies of solar/wind power, water will be pumped from the lower to the upper pond and will be released down to operate the generators during periods of power demand. The project is estimated to cost around $ 1 billion, and is expected to be completed by 2031.
A feasibility study has been completed, but no design work can be started without securing international funding, which in turn will not be possible without the restructuring of the CEB. In the CEB’s 20-year Expansion Plan, the battery storage system is slated to start in 2025 and the pump storage scheme after 2028. Neither can be delayed and both should be expedited if the country is to have a sustainable system of electricity at affordable costs. The government has its work cut out in the electricity sector as in every other sector. CEB Engineers can play their part by reforming themselves instead of insisting on being a parallel government.
by Rajan Philips ✍️
Features
How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US
On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.
If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.
The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.
Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’
It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’
Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.
Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.
However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.
The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.
From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.
The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.
However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.
Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.
However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.
Features
Grown: Rich remnants from two countries
Whispers of Lanka
I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.
I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.
To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.
The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.
Life changes
Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.
My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.
Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!
Settling in Sydney
We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.
We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.
Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,” this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.
Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!
Caught between two cultures
We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.
We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.
Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.
The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.
Technology
They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers. Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.
I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.
Living in Australia
Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”
Nostalgia
After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.
For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.” Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year. At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.
by Siri Ipalawatte
Features
Big scene for models…
Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.
Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.
Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.
On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal
This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.
The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.
Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.
The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.
An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently
Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.
Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.
It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.
Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.
Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,
They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.
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