Editorial
Readying for the big fight
The week that passed saw considerable political activity related to the forthcoming presidential election that must be held late next year in accordance with the constitution. Connected events included business magnate Dhammika Perera’s declaration that he is willing to run for president provided the political parties – he did not identify which parties though he said they included the SLPP – guarantee him 51 percent of the vote. Perera is no spring chicken not to know that no party nor anybody else can “guarantee” anybody a proportion of the vote. That must await the polling and the counting of the votes. The second event was the launching of Dilith Jayaweera’s new Mawbima Janatha Pakshaya (MJP) which opened its new party office in Colombo.
Neither Jayaweera nor Perera have declared themselves as candidates for the forthcoming presidential election. The only declared candidates up to now are Opposition and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) leader Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the JVP/NPP. Both Jayaweera and Perera have been staunch supporters of disgraced former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The Aragalaya-fuelled ejection of GR from the presidency he won comfortably in November 2019 propelled incumbent President Ranil Wickremesinghe into the hot seat. As is very well know, Wickremesinghe lost his own parliamentary seat in the parliamentary election that followed next August and led the UNP to stunning zero elected seats at that contest. Yet he entered the legislature through the UNP’s single National List seat and was anointed by Gotabaya first to succeed brother, Mahinda as premier and then GR himself as president.
All that, of course, is so much water that has passed under the bridges. Asked if he was a potential presidential candidate in November 2024, Jayaweera said at his party office opening: “First, we will give enough time of the MJP to succeed as a political movement across the country and then decide when to run for political office.” Perera, at a posh Nelumpokuna show in Colombo last week, declared that he does not invest in unwinnable projects. “I’m trying to unite a country divided by politics through education,” he said at this event celebrating the fourth anniversary of DP Education. Incidentally, DP stands not for Dhammika Perera but for Dhammika and Priscilla (Perera) Foundation which has already reached out to a claimed 1.5 million students enrolled in its programme which imposes no cost on the beneficiaries.
While Ranil Wickremesinghe has not declared himself as a candidate at the next presidential election, it is very clear that he is aspiring to an elected presidency. Much of what he says and does reflects that ambition. The SLPP which elected RW to office, and is keeping him there, is on record saying that it will field a candidate but it is very coy about who that will be. Pressed at news briefings it says that it will reveal the name “at the right time.
” Some SLPP parliamentarians have already expressed their support for RW. SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam, widely considered to be the voice of Basil Rajapaksa, asked last week about the kite that Dhammika Perera has flown, responded that Dhammika is a valued member of their party. Several potential candidates are ambitious about running for president, and Dhammika being one of them is not a breach of party discipline. However, the SLPP has not decided on a candidate.
Political observers and commentators are of the view that more important than who the candidates will be next year is whether the election will be held on schedule in less than a year from now. According to Prof. GL Peiris, polling must be by September though GR’s term, which RW is serving out, would end only in November, But recent reports and statements that the government is looking at changes in the electoral system giving direct election (160 seats) a greater weight than the number elected by proportional representation (65 seat).
Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has already presented a cabinet paper to this effect and a cabinet sub-committee going into it. This has triggered fears in political circles about an attempt to postpone elections. Such fears are legitimate in the context of the postponement sine die of the local election after nominations were accepted as well as elections to Provincial Councils.
A senior political analyst commented that in any society undergoing economic shock therapy that Sri Lanka is, it is vital that the safety valves be opened on schedule and that the public’s hope of a chance for change will not be frustrated. If next year’s presidential election is the earliest scheduled chance for a change, any experiment with the election laws should not be of a sort that defers the holding of that election. Our political history clearly proves that any blocking, retarding or distortion of the electoral calendar and/or process leads to violent upheavals.
Whether the SLPP will throw its weight behind Dhammika Perera, will remain with Ranil Wickremesinghe who arrested last year’s anarchy and restored a sense of normalcy – though at the cost of not repaying the country’s debt – or play a wild card will remain an open question certainly in the short term. The JVP/NPP has been demonstrating tight organization and growing support.
But it must be remembered that at the 2019 presidential election, Anura Kumara Dissanayake polled only 3.16% of the vote against Sajith Premadasa’s 41.99%. Undoubtedly both these candidates will pick-up SLPP votes next time round after GR destroyed his party’s rural agricultural base. Extensive Rupavahini publicity Dhammika Perera’s DP Education anniversary received last week demonstrates he’s not without government backers.
Editorial
Fuelling discontent and protest
Saturday 3rd October, 2026
Private fuel bowser owners were up in arms, yesterday, claiming that they were incurring huge losses because the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) had not increased commissions for fuel distribution. Unless the CPC responded favourably to their demand for a substantial increase in commissions, they would be left with no alternative but to stop fuel distribution completely with immediate effect, they warned, noting that the CPC had promised to announce its final decision yesterday.
The Ceylon Petroleum Private Tanker Owners’ Association (CPPTOA), which is leading the fuel bowser owners’ struggle, said yesterday that it expected their commission to be raised at least to 20%, as the cost of fuel distribution had increased sharply. A meeting between the CPPTOA representatives and the CPC officials was going on at the time of writing.
It defies comprehension why the CPC lets the grass grow under its feet without addressing issues that have the potential to cripple fuel distribution. The CPPTOA had been protesting for weeks, but the CPC ignored fuel distributors’ demand. It may have expected the problem to go away with the passage of time. Everything possible must be done to prevent pumps from running dry at filling stations, causing hardships to the public and adversely impacting the economy.
The CPC should have taken immediate action at the first sign of trouble and invited the CPPTOA to talks instead of waiting until the eleventh hour. Prudence demands that a game of chicken be averted in a crucial sector like petroleum distribution.
Issues that could cripple the petroleum sector are best sorted out at the negotiating table, which is the ideal place for bargaining. We are not in a position to say whether it is fair for the CPPTOA to demand a 20% commission, but the fuel distributors’ grievances should be addressed and the CPC ought to hold talks with them and negotiate solutions as and when issues crop up. Flexibility is a prerequisite for resolving trade union problems. Intransigence and brinkmanship only aggravate such issues, much to the detriment of the country’s interests. If bowser operators stopped distributing fuel for a couple of days, perish the thought, it would take a considerable time to replenish supplies thereafter, and fuel queues would reappear. Disruptions to fuel distribution could have a domino effect on virtually every other sector of the economy.
The fragile economy, which is recovering from an unprecedented crisis, cannot take any more shocks, and the patience of the public is manifestly wearing thin. Petroleum sector trade unions have claimed that the CPC is selling fuel from older stocks at higher prices, while fuel distributors have called upon the government to scrap the loss-recovery levy immediately, arguing that the CPC’s legacy debt has now been fully repaid. These are the issues the Opposition should take up in Parliament instead of making loud noises that signify nothing.
One can only hope that the CPC and the CPPTOA will resolve the commission issue through negotiations, and the CPC will act more responsibly in the future without trying to wish away trade union issues that could cripple the petroleum sector.
Editorial
Colombo Port drug bust: The plot thickens
Friday 2nd October, 2026
An inquiry conducted by the Police Special Investigation Unit (SIU) into some allegations concerning the circumstances that surrounded the 31 August drug detection at the Colombo Port has revealed that there may have been dereliction of duty on the part of Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodituwakku and several other officers, according to media reports. The plot thickens.
Acting on information reportedly received from the US Drug Enforcement Administration, the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) searched a shipping container, bound for Cameroon, at the Colombo Port, and detected a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence that led to the drug detection had been conveyed to SDIG Kodithuwakku, who was overseeing the CCIB. It was reported that the officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, with the help of some personnel from the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. Now, there is another version of how the drug detection was made.
SIU is reported to have found that both SDIG Kodithuwakku and the Police Narcotics Bureau received information about the drug consignment, on 14 August, but no action was taken immediately. On 22 August, a sub Inspector of the CCIB also received the same information. He subsequently took action and on 31 August, the container was opened in the presence of the Customs officers. The SIU investigators are reported to have found that some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau were also present at the scene, but the initial detection of the drug consignment was carried out primarily by officers of the CCIB. SIU has recommended that in addition to the internal inquiry a criminal investigation should be conducted, according to media reports. But was the opening of the container strategically delayed, as has been claimed in some quarters? There have been numerous such instances around the world. The SIU investigators therefore ought not to rush to conclusions before establishing whether the delay, if any, formed part of a deliberate investigative strategy.
It has been reported that French Customs found 139 kg of cocaine in a shipping container at Marseille last year but instead of seizing the drug consignment immediately, it resorted to a controlled delivery of the big box to Barcelona, where a stevedore, two recipients and a transporter were arrested.
In 2023, after detecting 240 kg of methamphetamine in a 40-foot-container, Hong Kong Customs arranged for an international controlled delivery to Australia, where the box was bound for, and several arrests were made there. In May 1985, U.S. Customs allowed a drug-laden shipping container arriving at Port Newark to proceed under surveillance in a controlled-delivery operation in order to identify the people who would take delivery of it.
Police investigations have not always inspired public confidence in this country. There have been many instances where they conducted investigations hurriedly and arrived at the wrong conclusions. In 2015, the CID arrested two suspects, including a schoolboy, over the abduction, rape and murder of a little girl in Kotadeniyawa. It was later found that the perpetrator was someone else. Another striking example is the arrest of two former LTTE cadres after the execution-style killing of two policemen in Vavunathivu in 2018. But after the Easter Sunday terror attacks the following year, the CID found that the two policemen had been murdered by the National Thowheed Jamaath, which carried out the 2019 carnage.
So, one can argue that there is nothing inherently implausible about the claim that the opening of the container carrying narcotics at the Colombo Port was postponed in a bid to catch all those responsible for the illegal operation. Only a thorough probe will reveal whether this method was actually adopted in the case of the port drug bust.
Editorial
Drug busting, transfers and trust deficit
Thursday 1st Octobber, 2026
Media reports about a Police Headquarters decision to transfer Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodithuwakku, who oversees the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB), and several other senior police officers involved in uncovering a massive drug haul recently have raised many an eyebrow. The Police Department is reported to have sought the National Police Commission’s approval for their transfers, citing organisational/service requirements. The news about the proposed transfers has come while an inquiry is underway into the recent seizure of a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine (Ice) at the Colombo Port. Kodithuwakku has already made a statement to the Criminal Investigation Department in connection with that inquiry. The sequence of events is noteworthy.
On 31 August 2026, the police, acting on intelligence passed by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, searched a shipping container at the Colombo Port and seized a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence had been received by SDIG Kodithuwakku. Officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, together with some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. The drugs were concealed among towels or body wipes.
The Police Special Investigation Unit lost no time in commencing the inquiry under discussion into alleged shortcomings, omissions and possible lapses in the handling of the drug investigation. However, it is generally believed that those who carry out successful operations of this nature deserve praise and rewards. The challenge for the police therefore is to prove that the ongoing inquiry and controversial transfers are not aimed at taking the gloss off the successful anti-narcotics operation.
Police have also claimed that the internal inquiry will not interfere with the main criminal investigation being conducted by the CCIB. However, it may be recalled that the leaders of the incumbent administration accused the SLPP government of having disrupted investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks and other major cases by transferring the then CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekera in late 2019. So, how can the police top brass convince the public that the transfers of SDIG Kodituwakku and others will not adversely impact the ongoing probe into the port drug haul?
One can argue that the reasons given by the police for the inquiry and the transfers in question are not plausible, for it is widely believed that whenever senior officers conduct investigations or operations that are not to the liking of their superiors or politicians in power, they face inquiries and transfers. The National Police Commission is also widely perceived as a rubber stamp for the Executive. It is therefore hardly surprising that the media and the discerning public do not readily accept the explanations offered by the Police Spokesman and his superiors about internal inquiries and lightning transfers. There is a huge trust deficit.
Meanwhile, one may recall that nobody was transferred over the Colombo Port container scandal. As many as 323 red-flagged freight containers were released from the Colombo Port without mandatory Customs inspections, in January 2025, and what those big boxes carried is anybody’s guess. The Customs made a shameful attempt to defend the indefensible, and its Spokesman who trotted out lame excuses in a bid to mislead the media and the public became the Customs Chief and received a top position at the Presidential Secretariat after his retirement.
Sri Lankans are familiar with the local folk-story character, King Kekille, who invariably let wrongdoers off and punished the innocent in cases brought before him. Going by the way Sri Lankan politicians have been handling crucial issues under successive governments, one wonders whether King Kekille actually lived in this country and whether the present-day rulers are his descendants. Kekille once punished a goldsmith over a defect in a newly built wall around his palace. When questioned by the king, the mason who built the wall claimed that he had been distracted, during construction work, by a good-looking woman, who passed the worksite several times a day. The woman, summoned by the king, said she had been forced to visit the goldsmith frequently as he had not finished making her jewellery. So, the king shifted the blame to the goldsmith and punished him.
One need hardly be surprised even if those who smuggled drugs into the country through the Colombo Port walk free while the police officers who conducted the successful operation find themselves in the dock. Anything is possible in this country. The onus is on the police top brass to provide a credible justification for the controversial internal inquiry and transfers ordered by them.
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