Features
Ranil versus the JVP
by Kumar David
Readers may have observed that in recent weeks I have been suggesting that with the backing of global capitalism and India and with IMF support assured (Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva has backed the Staff Level Agreement), Ranil Wickremesinghe’s (RW) administration will be stable UP TO an election. It is an open question whether till then it will be authoritarian or revert to a democratic form which will delight liberals, the intellectual classes, the minorities and the carvings of those in SJB whose psyche never actually quit the UNP. None can foresee in these tumultuous times how liberal RW’s administration will be, or whether it will WIN an election in a few months. More problematic, can it win an election at the end of the tenure of the current parliament. These are not times in which intelligent people take bets.
However it seems reasonable to say that the medium-term choice (say in a few years) will be between RW as defined above (or a RW-Sajith alliance) and the JVP which is gaining ground. I grant that posing the question so bluntly is a short-cut that ignores intermediate options, but I am impatient to explore the Ranil-plus-global-capitalism versus the JVP-plus “socialist-market-dirigisme” alternatives. The relationship between the RW+ option and the JVP+ formula will revolve around two central issues; factors pertaining to the economy and social class, and the rights of the Tamil people (Muslims are less complicating) which is at the heart of the democracy and political stability question.
Take the Tamil thing first. Historically and probably in the future the JVP is a on a very bad wicket about the Tamils, but internationally, on account of the dire state of the post-Covid, post-Ukraine/Russia world, and the Sino-US confrontation, it may be on a better wicket in the long-term. I am at a loss to think of a way in which the JVP can repair its relationship with the Tamils. Mind you as a member of the NPP I have a vested interest and a genuine wish that this be done; but it’s not going to be easy. The problem has two dimensions, a past and a present. The past stretches from Wijeweera’s lecture on Indian expansionism which was actually aimed against upcountry Tamils, rejection on 13A, Provincial Councils and devolution to the Tamils, all the way to the Somawansa-JVP’s successful Supreme Court petition in 2006 to axe the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Although the merger had never been ratified by the people of the East, the JVP by this act fomented an anti-Tamil taste in the nation’s mouth.
The JVP is still opposed to devolution of power to Tamil areas and the Provinces. Some leaders may have changed their minds but this will not be endorsed by the Central Committee because the CC still mentally lives in the petty-bourgeois world of its grandparents and also because it still, needlessly, fears a Sinhala-Buddhist electoral backlash. The leadership must take the bull by the horns and defeat this frame of mind in the cadre or it will get nowhere. If the JVP comes to power without ironing out this dispute it will drown. The options before a future JVP government are: Accept devolution or suffer political death while in office like the racists JR, Sirima, SWRD and even DS.
Ranil’s ancestors were accustomed to mixing with Tamils, Burghers and Muslims of the same rank and attended socially diversified elite schools. His uncle Lakshman Wickremasinghe, Bishop of Kurunegala was a redoubtable scholar (top of the list in political science, University of Ceylon – not mere Peradeniya or U of SL) and then enrolled at Keeble College, Oxford, but quit to take up religious orders. He was pained by RW’s involvement in JR’s racist regime and in particular its attack on the Tamils. After Black July 1983, the Bishop was one of the first leaders to go to Jaffna, but died of a heart attack in three months in October. RW is neither morally nor intellectually of the same stature but some of the liberalism may have rubbed off.
Last week (11 Sept) I undertook an update of my previous RW SWOT appraisal and discussed economic prospects; I will not repeat any of this here but I would like to make some remarks about the changing international context. What I have termed a socialist-market-dirigisme option somewhat echoes China, Vietnam and a few emerging African states. Cuba and Venezuela have collapsed into basket cases but in the context of the leftward sweep across Latin America (Central and South America) there may be hope of resurrection. It’s this sweep that I wish to say a few words about because star-gazers may wish for a return of the 1960s and early 1970s but one has to be a realist. Revolutionary columns led by Che Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos entered Havana on January 1, 1959; Saigon fell on April 30, 1975. Some may sing “Those were the days my friend we thought would never end!” So, mutatis mutandis, can we take hope from the leftist sweep rolling across Latin America now that neo-liberal and neo-conservative global supremacy will soon pass? The question must be approached with hard logic.
The swearing in of 36-year-old Gabriel Boric who calls himself a “libertarian socialist” but is a Marxist as Chile’s president marks the most radical reshaping of the country’s politics in 50 years. It follows victory of former guerrilla Gustavo Petro in Colombia last month. Between 2018 and 2021 left-of-centre candidates won the presidency in Mexico, Argentina, Bolivia, Argentina and Peru. Iris Xiomara Castro Sarmiento a Honduran leftist, in office since January 2022 promised: “My government will not continue the maelstrom of looting that has condemned generations of young people to debts incurred behind their back”. (Oh, for an Iris in Lanka). Many in the new crop are de facto Marxists. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva leads in opinion polls ahead of Brazil’s October election. Brazil is the most populous and important country next to the USA on the American Continent. Its gross GDP in PPP terms exceeds Canada’s.

The world is very different today from the 1960s. In so far as emergent left regimes, the world over are concerned. The big difference is the absence of a supportive Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. For reasons to do with trade, technology transfer, investment and global supply chains, China has a very different relationship with the US from the hostile stand-off between Stalin and the USA. Nevertheless, since the JVP does not live in circumstances that permit the capture of power by insurrection, the absence of old Soviet style support as for revolutions in Cuba and Vietnam may not make a great difference. The follies of 1971 and 1989-90 are long gone, a bad dream, a nightmare buried. If a JVP-NPP administration is to win in Sri Lanka it will have to triumph at a democratic election. (I confessed at the beginning that this jumps over possible intermediate events, but I feel that the dice is weighted against military dictatorship or Ranil autocracy).
Democracy is no longer a deception used by the ruling classes to fool the masses and perpetuate property rights and power. For reasons that are too complex to discuss at this point there has been an alteration in the significance of democratic expectations. Neither the JVP, or for that matter still authoritarian China can reverse the rootedness of democratic expectations in society at large. Democratic norms are the expectation of the masses. For better or worse the JVP is “stuck” with abiding by the outcome of a free and fair election; no more silly 1971 style insurrections or murderous grabs as in 1989-90.
In so far as the Ranil-plus-global-capitalism versus JVP-plus socialist-market-dirigisme economic options are concerned and assuming the continuance of democracy, the choice depends on whether an RW-road feeds and clothes people for the next two or three years. The Ranil road of course includes variations such as a Ranil-Sajith alliance. Essentially it is the liberal, bourgeois-democratic, IMF-Western oriented economic road that the country has now set out on. Obviously, there will be belt-tightening but two years from now will people vote to stay with this capitalist road for another, say five-year parliamentary term? A factor is whether the Executive Presidency is abolished in between, but this will change appearances but probably not substance.
Otherwise it will have to be the JVP way; new wine in a new bottle. The new wine, a democratic JVP, the new bottle the new world order responding to a sweeping hurtle to the left in Latin America. Admittedly unprecedented global economic crises pose a huge challenge to these new Latin Am regimes. In Sri Lanka If the capitalist option is re-elected for another say five years one can envisage the JVP playing a left opposition parliamentary role as did the left parties in the 1950s and 1960s. Though “Che-group” was the pseudonym of the JVP in the 1960s and though Wijeweera modelled his headgear on Che’s iconic cap, it is impossible for tomorrow’s JVP to revert to the madness of its previous reckless incarnation whatever happens in Latin America.
Features
How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US
On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.
If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.
The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.
Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’
It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’
Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.
Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.
However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.
The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.
From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.
The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.
However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.
Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.
However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.
Features
Grown: Rich remnants from two countries
Whispers of Lanka
I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.
I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.
To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.
The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.
Life changes
Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.
My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.
Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!
Settling in Sydney
We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.
We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.
Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,” this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.
Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!
Caught between two cultures
We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.
We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.
Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.
The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.
Technology
They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers. Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.
I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.
Living in Australia
Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”
Nostalgia
After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.
For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.” Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year. At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.
by Siri Ipalawatte
Features
Big scene for models…
Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.
Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.
Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.
On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal
This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.
The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.
Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.
The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.
An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently
Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.
Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.
It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.
Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.
Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,
They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.
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