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Ranil prepares to govern the country cohabiting with President CBK

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Ranil and Chandrika. (File photo)

Since his office was now to behave in the manner of an executive prime ministerial centre which would support him as virtual head of government, Ranil set about restructuring the order of business in the house. He wanted papers and callers dealt with in a systematic, organized way. It was not going to be business as usual when the PM’s office had been a post office passing-on all and sundry to the all-powerful executive president’s office for decision. The `buck’, as Harry Truman had said, would stop here.

The first thing Ranil did was to ask me to drop in at the prime minister’s office in Britain and spend a day there looking at how No 10 (Downing Street) was organized. He thought that would be the closest model to follow. So on a trip back from Washington I spent some time at No 10. Alastair Campbell, the media guru to Prime Minister Tony Blair was not available that day but all the other heads of divisions were most helpful. The essential point I got from No 10 Downing Street was the priority the Prime Minister, Tony Blair attached to information and the media. It was all about keeping the public informed, and the prime minister’s thinking, on the major issues of the day.

The strategies included even the manner of presentation and the timing of the presentation of news to the public. A tip they suggested was to have a particular item of good news held for an appropriate action and released at that time. In a way, it was like having something in hand to be given to the media on a once-a-day basis. Interaction with the media was deemed so important in the modern prime minister’s office that Campbell or an assistant would meet with the media corps sometimes even twice a day.

Ranil built on the information I brought back from London and the Media Center at the Gramodaya in Kollupitiya and the institution of a government spokesman came out of that experience. What we clearly lacked was our own Alastair Campbell, who had earned the sobriquet of the ‘spin doctor’, although a few external advisors from Britain were immensely helpful and generous with lots of good advise. The media team was an important part of our overseas visits. There was always a good mix of state and private media men and women on the trip and they covered the news very speedily and fully, so that those back home had a regular view of what Ranil and his troupe were doing abroad. It was expensive, especially all the phone calls and sending of voice cuts and ‘photo opps’ but the public relations aspect necessitated it.

Ranil’s interest in the media and media reform

Ranil’s own background with the media, extending back through his father Esmond Wickremesinghe, Managing Director of the Associated Newspaper of Ceylon Ltd, and further back to his grandfather, the famous D R Wijewardena who was founder of Lake House, had already impelled him to set up new structures and mechanisms relating to the media. There were at least three specific areas on which he acted very fast. First of all was the legislative framework for the media. Following a series of regular meetings with the editors (this was to take place on a monthly basis), the journalists association and the Free. Media Movement he got passed through Parliament, legislation which was of extreme value for the creation of a conducive media environment that would match the highest standards required of a free media.

This legislation was to cover the concept of freedom of expression, amend the existing law regarding criminal defamation which acted as a constraint to the free expression of views, the setting up of a Press Complaints Commission to replace a moribund Press Council and to establish a Press Institute which would set, from within, standards for journalists to follow, and update their training.

The second approach was to establish a fully equipped and staffed government media centre. This was on the premise that the press was not going to be curbed again with emergency regulations which had censored the press effectively for long periods. Since a virtually free press was going to be stimulated, Ranil felt that a strong mechanism should be in place for the propagation of the government’s own position. The third idea was to work towards a gradual broad-basing of the state-owned media. This had been continually abused by the government in power.

His design for the PM’s office involved a strict separation of functions between the purely political and personal side, and the official. The secretary (myself) would in theory exercise overall supervision. But I was insulated against political and personal pressures by such issues being put up to the party and public affairs unit handled by the private secretary and two or three confidantes associated with party headquarters.

My work on the official side would be handled from the Flower Road office. Ranil left this work to be handled entirely at my discretion. As a link to him at Temple Trees, where he had a very modest set of rooms to work in as an office, he wanted me to find working space in one of the upper-floor bedrooms at Temple Trees. Later on with the help from the US$ 100 million ‘Indian line of credit’ we managed to computerise and link our two separate offices on the internet. Ranil was always very clued-in on technology and especially recognized the value of ICT (Information Communication Technology) as a tool to bring government services to the people.

The Batalanda case

One of the increasing trends in political life has been for the leader to be caught up in a public commission of inquiry. These usually refer to decisions and actions taken while one was in government and are political, in that they are brought up at the time that the person is out of office. It happened in the case of W Dahanayake around the conspiracy behind the assassination of Bandaranaike; to Sirimavo regarding her extension of the emergency, to ostensibly keep herself in power, and now in the case of Ranil Wickremesinghe about some incidents during ‘the period of terror’ between 1989 and 1992.

Ranil had to face a commission of inquiry while he was the leader of the opposition in 1998 and when he was poised to contest at the forthcoming presidential elections. It was referred to popularly as the ‘Batalanda Case’ and concerned certain activities which took place at the Batalanda Housing Scheme in the Kelaniya electorate. Ranil had used one of the bungalows in the housing scheme as an office during his period as minister of industries and scientific affairs and of youth and employment.

The specific allegation was that he was aware of certain illegal activities which took place in some of the houses in the Batalanda Housing Scheme, which were used by the police as places of unlawful detention, including the torture of persons suspected of being JVP insurgents. The commission was appointed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga in September 1995. It was given several extensions and the report was finally presented to the president only in March 1998.

The only charge against Ranil was under section (e) of the terms of reference which mandated the Commission to inquire into whether any officer or any other person was responsible for the commission of any criminal offences under any law or the use of undue influence or misuse or abuse of power in relation of any of the issues connected thereto. Ranil had to appear personally before the commission in a widely publicized session to answer the allegations against him. All that the commission could find against was that as minister of industries and scientific affairs, he had given directions regarding the allocation and lease of houses at the Batalanda Housing Scheme (which were later used as places of unlawful detention), and had at meetings given directions pertaining to the conduct of the police relating to anti-subversive activity.

Soon afterwards, Ranil won at the general election of December 2001, thereupon vindicating his conduct in the eyes of the public. Batalanda surfaced again in April 2004 in the TV debates” that have now become a popular spectacle each evening at election time. The relevance and value of these ‘inquisitorial’ inquiries appointed under the Commissions of Inquiry Act No 17 of 1948 remain moot.

Government hospitality

Ranil took great pains to see that the hospitality and the social side of the prime minister’s office functioned properly. The heavy work schedule he set himself required that there be regular working lunches and dinners at Temple Trees. The organization of these were the responsibility of Indrani Wijeratne and Hema Pieris and much effort and time was expended in delivering quality products. Maithree Wickramasinghe provided invaluable support in advising and directing how such receptions and social engagements should be done.

The decor of the public areas – the sitting and dining halls in particular – now took on an extraordinary elegance. The dinning room equipment and the curtaining and ornamentation, which over time had become worn out and stale, were modernized. The ornaments and paintings, as well as the cutlery used on formal occasions were the personal property of the Wickremesinghe’s. The kitchens were- redesigned and new kitchen staff recruited. Ranil and Maithree shared the view that rather than hire Hilton and Oberoi to provide the catering (at enormous cost) high quality capacity should be developed from within so that Temple Trees itself could do it appropriately and without the high overheads.

It needed bringing in chefs to replace the old-time ‘bungalow keeper’ but the effort was worth it. Complimentary letters soon began to come in from those who had dined at Temple Trees. The staid printed menu card on glossy paper gave way to a highly imaginative unevenly cut, rolled-up little scroll tied with coir string. On opening up you read the menu, hand-written in italics on rough, recycled elephant dung paper! It often provided a delightful, if somewhat unusual, opening conversational topic.

The beginning of the end of a chapter – November 4, 2003

Ranil knew that although he had won convincingly in the 2001 elections gaining a total of 109 seats to the PA’s 77, in terms of the 1978 Constitution, which gave the president enormous power, he would have to manage his victory somehow in the difficult political system of `cohabitation’ which was implied whenever the presidents and prime ministers came from different party groupings. This was the first occasion when the process was in fact going to be tried out, barring a few months in the Wijetunga presidency when D B was literally a ‘lame duck’.

Ranil and Chandrika had been childhood friends but the rivalry which existed between the Bandaranaikes on the one hand and the Senanayakes, Jayewardenes and now Wickremesinghes were well known. It was almost Shakespearean in its working out and there would be many rivers to cross to maintain the full six-year tenure of office to which he was entitled by his electoral victory.

His first task was to obtain from the president all of the ministries which were necessary for the exercise of full governmental power.

In the middle of December 2001 at Cabinet formation, Ranil was so strong in the country – his “I will give you peace” slogan having such an overwhelming response – that he clearly had the upper hand. There was some resistance from President Chandrika to the handing over of defence, which she claimed was her inherent responsibility as the president. But since Ranil had a clear mandate from the people to enter into political negotiations with the LTTE and establish an early cease-fire, that authority over the military establishment was absolutely essential. So he was able to wrest the defence ministry from the president’s hands and place Tilak Marapana, a one-time attorney-general of the country to be in charge of the portfolio.

The president had apparently reminded Ranil that there was the precedent of D B Wijetunga in 1994 retaining the defence portfolio while she was the prime minister in an earlier cohabitationary set-up. Ranil had countered that the two situations were not on all fours – D B having only a very short tenure of office to go before the presidential election.

The ‘Cohabitation’ between the president and Ranil did not work at all well during the months that followed. There were basic differences of policy, behaviour and styles of management between the two and rather than collaboration there was opposition, competition and alienation. Cohabitation envisaged a Cabinet meeting with the president as chair. However more often than not, the president was absent and the Cabinet had to take its decisions without her presence in the chair.

On the few occasions that she was present there was acrimonious debate between her and the more vociferous members of the Cabinet on a range of very political issues. The question of the procurement of 44 security vehicles at great cost after the assassination attempt on the president in 1999, came in for a lot of flak. Similarly, an allegation that the president was taping everything that happened in Cabinet through a secret listening device that she had hidden in her handbag raised tempers and kept her embittered. The Cabinet was one of the largest ever and often it was her, the president alone, standing up against many very critical members of the Cabinet.

(Excerpted from ‘Rendering Unto Caesar’ by Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️



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How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US

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Jesse Jackson / Barack Obama

On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.

If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.

The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.

Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’

It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.

Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.

However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.

The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.

From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.

The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.

However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.

Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.

However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.

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Grown: Rich remnants from two countries

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Mirissa (Image courtesy Wikivoyage)

Whispers of Lanka

I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.

I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.

To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.

The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.

Life changes

Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.

My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.

Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!

Settling in Sydney

We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.

We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.

Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,”  this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.

Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!

Caught between two cultures

We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.

We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.

Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.

The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.

Technology

They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers.  Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.

I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.

Living in Australia

Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”

Nostalgia

After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.

For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.”  Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year.  At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.

 by Siri Ipalawatte

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Big scene for models…

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Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.

Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.

Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.

On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal

This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.

The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.

Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.

The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.

An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently

Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.

Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.

It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.

Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.

Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,

They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.

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