Features
Prostituting public service
By Sonali Wijeratne
Once in a while, albeit at least a state minister tells the explicit truth. Dr. Nalaka Godahewa quoted in The Island of 06 August said: “There are over 1.4 million public sector workers. There are a large number of pensioners. Annually, we need about Rs 1.2 trillion to pay salaries and pensions. In 2020, our annual income was Rs 1.4 trillion. We are left with Rs 200 billion to provide health services, education, transport et al.” It is a fact that the annual public service wage and pension bill has surpassed the trillion-rupee mark for the first time in history with the budgetary outlay for both public sector salaries and pensions showing a significant rise from 2019 to date.
It is ironic that these extraordinary revelations are made in the context of the current government continuing to burden an already overstaffed top heavy public service of over one million with yet more massive injections of 150,000 public servants! This programme to offer jobs to 50,000 unemployed graduates and another 100,000 so called ‘poor’ applicants with educational qualifications below the GCE Ordinary Level was first mooted as a pre-election promise in 2019. However, the Chairman of the Elections Commission directed its postponement due to the declaration of the general election in 2019. The expectation of employment opportunities would no doubt have supported the poll in favour of the incumbent government which has now commenced the said programme without work study, or needs assessment, but presumably purely on the basis of amassing support for future victory at the elections! But where will such short term manoeuvrings, by politicians to keep themselves in power at the expense of the country’s steadily depleting resources, lead us the citizens of Sri Lanka?
The recruitment of unemployed graduates and others into the public service outside the required cadre cannot be healthy or useful when most of them find themselves in an overstaffed environment with little substantive work to do. The relative lack of challenging work occupations and inadequate training to go around leads to a gross misallocation of resources with a superfluous workforce engaged in repetitive replication of tasks. Sooner or later this huge multitude of public servants will find itself with no real opportunity, ideal or goal to make a worthwhile contribution. Their only recourse then is to latch on to the privileges of the public service such as security of employment, shorter work hours and extensive leave entitlement, pension and less work.
Many castigate the bloated public sector in Sri Lanka as generally lethargic, corrupt and parasitic. What else could one expect when politicians of every hue continuously use what was once an elite meritocracy as a job bank to get more votes for themselves to win in the short run to the next elections! Even the most enthusiastic, qualified youth selected to the public sector is bound to encounter demoralisation, and dissipation of his or her talents when faced with such self-defeating and destructive manner of recruitment often imbued with politicisation and nepotism to boot. We no longer have Permanent Secretaries heading Ministries which was the hallmark of the previous era of the Ceylon Civil Service. Even the Constitution was changed in the 1970s to facilitate all Secretaries of Ministries to be hand-picked for appointment and changed at will by the political authorities irrespective of their ability, seniority or official experience and qualifications! Therefore, in order to safeguard their prized privileges, position and perks of office, most Secretaries of Ministries are apt to take the easy way out by appeasing political authority and not taking a stand against irregularities.
Moreover, it is no surprise that in recent times, the government seems quick to placate a group of vociferous public servants in the education sector who take to the streets, howling vengeance on the State if their so-called demands for wage increase are not met without ascertaining whether there is a genuine justification or need for such a pay hike! It is a fact that these teachers wilfully neglect their helpless students in a crisis situation, virtually holding the people and government of this country to ransom and taking undue advantage of the pandemic situation by denying online education to innocent schoolchildren already bereft of a normal education. At the same time, they have become super spreaders of COVID-19 in public demonstrations disregarding all norms of curtailing the pandemic which is at its highest. All the while, it is a fact that after bringing formal online education to a standstill, they are engaging in the lucrative practice of private tuition online and earning a mint owing to increased demand for such services.
Since placating the teachers at any cost seems to be the intention of our politicians, even the simple fact whether there is any truth to the so called allegations of anomalous salary in the education sector is not the focus of the government or that giving an undue salary hike to teachers will upset the delicate equilibrium of the salary structure across the entire public sector and result in further anomalies and require an all-round increase of salaries to the entire public sector.
The previous so-called Yahapalana regime too had in turn feted the entire public service with more than 100 percent pension and salary increase between 2016 and 2020. It is now the turn of the present government, already saddled with a huge economic crisis replete with debt burden, intractable budget deficit and balance of payments woes, to promise another round of public sector salary increases with the next budget in November this year. Anything and everything to survive in power on the horns of the populist vote.
Such cynical callous disregard for economic imperatives seems designed to win the confidence of the masses in the short term in time for the next general and presidential elections. No matter that it may lead to galloping inflation when you feed the public service with paper money due to a myriad of problems facing one of Sri Lanka’s worst economic crises. The nature of government related services in public sector salary and pension expansions leading to rising recurrent expenditures is bound to increase aggregate demand without a commensurate increase in manufacture/supply. This will in turn result in an inflationary spiral owing to an increase in prices eroding the purchasing value of increased salaries and pensions. Once the aggrieved workers and unions start demonstrating for higher pay hikes on the streets, the government will no doubt start printing money amidst other short-term un-economic manoeuvres and accede to their various demands for yet another salary rise. The one million public sector is an all-important voter base for any prospective government. So, to hell with rational responsible governance and sound economic management for sustainable development since the deciding factor for politicians appears to be to stay in power at all costs.
The negative effects arising from unbridled increases in excessive public sector employment expenditure have not been met by reducing recurrent government expenditure by way of rationalizing or downsizing the swollen public sector employment or increasing revenue. Instead, we have nonsense solutions such as non-sustainable recourse to additional borrowings, reliance on futuristic outputs from capital expenditure on a profusion of urban beautification projects, construction of gymnasiums and non-tradable flyovers and the acceptance of unsolicited tenders sans competitive bidding processes.
The case for public service reform to tame the monster of a hugely rotund and moribund public service devouring the nation’s resources sans a worthy contribution has been ably argued by veteran Public Servant, Deshamanya K. H. J. Wijayadasa, former Secretary to the President of Sri Lanka as well as a host of management gurus in the media, journals and other forums. First on the list is the need for de-politicisation, downsising, closure of non-profit making state owned enterprises, ridding the State of over-institutionalisation, duplication of tasks, that has resulted in the lack of coherence and fragmentation, the sheer scale of lack of professional integrity, discipline, accountability and resultant corruption and nepotism.
But it is questionable whether such rationalization is of any value to the politicians in government or those awaiting to form government, whose appeasement, at any cost, of the valuable voter base of over one million public servants is vital to their victory at periodic elections.
Irrespective of political differences, in general one of the first requirements of a politician in charge of a ministry is to find out how much recruitment, whether necessary or not, could be made. Often, the politician in charge of a ministry will single out compliant officers who will do his bidding, even those instructions that flout regulations and go against the best interests of the country. He will then call these officers and give instructions directly ignoring the Head of Department under whom they serve. There are instances where even officers, against whom there are well evidenced serious disciplinary matters pending, will be treated with kid gloves by their political masters and senior officers as Secretaries of Ministries and allowed to continue in privileged status without any inquiry.
The sad truth is that in a land of Lotus Eaters, there are significant numbers of ordinary people, as well as the businessmen and academia, who will lick the feet of politicians to get whatever benefits, privileges, opportunities for themselves and their kith and kin. The so-called Advisors, Consultants, and the hierarchy of senior officialdom surrounding the political authority will rarely utter a word against the dictates of their political masters even in matters of professional subject matter since they wish to hold on to their comfortable posts and enjoy the perks and privileges of office. Despite the fact that the state has given them free education and training both locally and abroad, these so-called professionals are seen flocking like veritable servant boys in their droves, round political authorities often aiding and abetting in deal-making and commissions or leading them down the garden path of policy blunders and national catastrophes. This is apparent, where some have diverted from their own field of qualifications and training and become pseudo authorities on every other conceivable subject!
Some recent examples bear the truth to this parlous state of affairs. For instance, the drastic decision to stop import of chemical fertilisers and replace it overnight with organic fertilizer when the country does not have immediate capacity and supply to service the same. The purported reason of chemical fertilizer being a causative agent for Chronic Kidney Disease and Cancer remains unproven in the international scientific community. Nor have our local pundits adduced scientific evidence in proof of the supposed correlation between ingestion of chemical fertiliser through food leading to carcinoma. The decision has been supported by some sections of the medical fraternity, not the agricultural scientists and growers! Now the farmers are up in arms predicting a poor harvest with food security gone to the whims of unprofessional decision making and implementation.
When import duty for sugar was slashed last year, the benefit was passed neither to the consumer nor the government, which lost revenue to the tune of Rs 15.9 billion. But insider information on the proposed reduction of commodity levy duty from Rs 50 per kilogram to 0.25 cents per kilogram enabled one specially favoured M/s. Pyramid Wilmar Pvt. Ltd. to sell more than 2000 metric tons of sugar, imported under the Rs. 0.25 levy to state-owned Sathosa for an exorbitant price above Rs. 125, per kilogram. The State owned Sathosa then sold the sugar to the consumers at a reduced rate of approximately Rs. 85 per kilo. Therefore, Sathosa purchased sugar at a higher price and sold it at a lower price. It is apparent that this is either due to negligence or official blundering for the purpose of defrauding the state for enrichment of certain vested interests. It was pitiful to see the mandarins of the Finance Ministry making feeble apologies over the media for such blatant debacles.
The heat seems to have died down on Sri Lanka’s most destructive environmental disaster of the X–Press Pearl and the previous New Diamond ships affecting marine life, livelihood of fisher folk, and most importantly the coastal and oceanic environment of a small island state. Questions remain as to why the Sri Lanka Ports Authority allowed an already compromised leaking ship to enter the port of Colombo with tons of toxic substances. Investigations have revealed deleted email communications, and a general delay, inaction, malaise, on the part of a number of state regulatory organisations responsible for this sector. The removal of the politically appointed Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority does not seem to absolve the responsibility for this great national disaster which also rests on several marine environment, merchant shipping regulatory organisations in the public sector as well as its political leadership.
As for the performance of the public health sector, we are in the fourth wave of the pandemic reporting approximately 200 official deaths per day, many hundreds under wraps or undocumented, a dire warning from World Health Organization of a holocaust of deaths to come! The ‘Bubble Tourism’ and great economic resurgence expected to be ushered in by the new normal of carrying on ‘business as usual’ with all public servants requested to report to work on a daily basis now seems to have evaporated into nothingness! Thanks to the mayhem policy prescriptions of blowing hot and cold on regulating movement, the peniya (decoction) which received a temporary approval without adequate plan on bona fide data of COVID-19 spread, the relative absence of consistent implementation of restricting large crowd gatherings, inter district travel and Sinhala and Tamil New Year travel. Except for the still small voice of truth of the Sri Lanka Medical Council and a few upright academics, the pitch seems to be full of the blame game, some professionals casting cheap accusations of sabotage against other professionals for lack of data when all the while the truth is plain to see. Over 75 percent of approximately 8,000 deaths recorded due to COVID-19 are those above the age of 60 years with comorbidities such as high blood pressure, diabetes and kidney dysfunction. Why was this group not given priority in vaccination since the beginning of this year? Who is responsible for such manslaughter and criminal negligence? When the Sri Lanka Medical Council recommended a lockdown during the April New Year period, and subsequently, why was such informed recommendation rejected by the Government? When the admirable performance of the former Health Ministry Secretary, Dr. Anil Jasinghe showed a controlled management of the COVID-19 last year, why was a ‘push-up-and-kick-out’ strategy followed when he was moved as Secretary to an entirely different sector foreign to his medical training and experience as Environment?
The sad truth seems to be that behind every public servant stands the shadow and spectre of the politician. His is the desire for continued electoral victory, by hook or by crook, power and desire for personal wealth creation during term of office. The 1972 Constitution has ensured that the public service is at his disposal and command to achieve such objectives.
There are exceptions no doubt, but the brave and the honourable few who take a principled stand and try to work for the good of the country are invariably sidelined, undermined and ignored. These are the faceless public servants, quiet heroes and heroines who still serve and give their best, striving to make a difference for the better: They are those who trust in God and do their best for their fellow citizens despite all odds and being wearied and harried in the extreme! It is they who experience the ultimate bliss of certainty and quiet joy of knowing that come what may, their exertions have not been in vain and even in extremely limited and circumscribed circumstances and terrain, they have been able to deliver for the common good.
(The writer is a retired Public Servant with 34 years service as an executive in varying capacities in Colombo State Sector and Diplomatic Service.)
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
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