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Midweek Review

Prez warns of hard times ahead

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President Wickremesinghe (pic courtesy PMD)

Why did former President Sirisena vacate the Paget Road residence, having made it part of his ‘deal’ with the UNP?

A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justices Priyantha Jayawardena, Gamini Amarasekara, and Kumuduni Wickremasinghe, having examined the arguments put forward by both the petitioner and respondent parties, issued an interim order on March 29, 2022, suspending the decision of the Cabinet-of- Ministers to allow former President Maithripala Sirisena to continue use of the residence occupied by him at Paget Road.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The inordinate delay in filling the remaining vacancies in the Cabinet-of-Ministers underlines the continuing turmoil, within the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government, grappling with the worst ever economic-political-social crisis in post-independence Sri Lanka.

UNP leader Wickremesinghe, in spite of having only one National List slot, polled 134 votes in Parliament, whereas his chief rival, Dullas Alahapperuma, secured 82 votes in the July 20, 2022, contest that elected him as the 8th executive president. Wickremesinghe’s job is to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term won at the last presidential election held in November, 2019.

Having comfortably secured the presidency in the first such vote by members of Parliament, Wickremesinghe appointed his first Cabinet on July 22, 2022. The first Cabinet consisted of 18 lawmakers. Twelve vacancies exist as in terms of the Constitution, 30 Cabinet and 40 non-Cabinet ministers can be appointed regardless of the size of the ruling party/ruling coalition.

The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) secured the lion’s share of portfolios though the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) received the premiership.

Wickremesinghe had no option but to go ahead with the appointment of the Cabinet after the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) declined to join what Wickremesinghe called an all-party government.

But Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Premier (April 12, 2022-July 20, 2022) managed to engineer two crossovers from the Opposition (Galle District SJB MP Manusha Nanayakkara and SJB National List MP Harin Fernando).

Wickremesinghe faced daunting challenges, on multiple fronts as his government struggled to avoid Local Government polls, scheduled for early this year. In spite of its leader being the President, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces as well as the Defence and Finance Minister, the UNP is in a precarious situation. Restricted to just one National List MP (Wajira Abeywardena), the UNP lacks the organisational strength to conduct a Local Government election campaign.

Wickremesinghe’s sponsor, the SLPP, though still the largest party in Parliament, has been weakened by nearly two dozen desertions.

However, Wickremesinghe as wily as his uncle, the late President Jayewardene, remains confident of pulling through.

During a brief informal chat with Editor of The Island Prabath Sahabandu, Editor of The Sunday Island Manik de Silva, Irida Divaina Editor, Udesh Sanjiva Gamage, Divaina Editor, Narada Nissanka, and the writer, Associate Editor of The Island, at the President’s official residence at Mahagama Sekera Mawatha (formerly Paget Road), Colombo 07, the President explained his position on a range of issues.

At that onset of the 40-minute conversation, President Wickremesinghe dealt with the economic crisis and how it could affect the country this year and possible scenarios, depending on the global situation.

Wickremesinghe warned of imminent hike in electricity tariffs while suggesting the fuel and power crisis couldn’t be tackled with a two-hour-and-20-minute power cut. The UNP leader recalled how successive governments had aggravated the power crisis by refusing to increase electricity tariffs since 2015.

Wickremesinghe, however, cannot absolve himself of responsibility for the current predicament as he served the Yahapalana government, as the Prime Minister, from 2015 to 2019.

The President found fault with the media for discouraging successive governments from increasing electricity tariffs.

The President separately received groups of senior representatives of both the print and electronic media at his official residence on Poya Day (06).

Second Prez at Paget

Road residence

It would be pertinent to discuss the circumstances Wickremesinghe moved to Paget Road residence, previously occupied by former President Maithripala Sirisena.

At the tail end of a politically turbulent five-year term, Sirisena, in his capacity as head of the Cabinet-of-Ministers, secured approval for him to retain his official residence, following the end of his term. Wickremesinghe served as the Prime Minister, at that time, though the proposal was made by the late Mangala Samaraweera, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) raised this issue in Parliament as to whether it would have been fair for the former President to retain his official residence, though he was constitutionally entitled to an official residence, along with security, and a pension, at the end of his term.

Such extravagant facilities granted to ex-Presidents and their spouses should be re-examined against the backdrop of the current financial crisis. There should be consensus among political parties that such benefits entirely depend on their retirement. Twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Sirisena now serve as members of Parliament. Perhaps, ex-Presidents should be constitutionally barred from seeking office as part of the overall measures to improve the political culture here.

A violent group executed a meticulously planned attack on the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s private residence at 5th Lane, Kollupitiya, on the evening of July 09, hours after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled Colombo as rioters stormed the President’s House. The group stormed the well-guarded residence in the absence of clear instructions from the military and law enforcement higher-ups. The group mounted the attack after Wickremesinghe stoutly refused to resign. Had Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Premier, given in, the protest campaign could have taken a turn for the worse. Perhaps, Wickremesingthe decision to stay put and stand up to the Aragalaya storm troopers helped thwart their plans to storm the Parliament complex.

When the politically motivated gang destroyed Wickremesinghe’s private residence, he moved to the vacant Paget Road residence.

Why did former President Sirisena vacate the Paget Road residence, having made it part of his ‘deal’ with the UNP? Obviously, the SLFP leader’s intention was to occupy the place for the rest of his life. There cannot be any ambiguity about Sirisena’s intentions as far as the Paget Road residence is concerned. But thanks to a case filed by Executive Director of CPA, Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu, Maithripala Sirisena left the place in May 2022.

A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justices Priyantha Jayawardena, Gamini Amarasekara, and Kumuduni Wickremasinghe, having examined the arguments put forward by both the petitioner and respondent parties, issued an interim order on March 29, 2022, suspending the decision of the Cabinet-of-Ministers to allow former President Maithripala Sirisena to continue use of the residence occupied by him at Paget Road.

Prez confident of China,

India consensus

Making reference to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2022 (minus 11) as well projected GDP this year (minus 04), President Wickremesinghe underscored the fact that Sri Lanka’s recovery depended on external factors, the difficulty in overcoming the ongoing crisis and how global issues could influence developments here. Wickremesinghe was referring to the much anticipated consensus with India and China in respect of the debt restructuring plan.

India had never been part of such a plan, President Wickremesinghe declared, referring to the USD 3.5 bn made available by India last year to meet the developing crisis here. The President acknowledged China’s dilemma in throwing a lifeline as it had to consider the implications of such a move.

According to Wickremesinghe, China deliberated the consequences of setting a precedent. The President explained how finalisation of USD 2.9 bn IMF facility spread over a period of four years could infuse confidence among all concerned.

Commenting on the agricultural sector, the President asserted that a bumper harvest was expected during the Maha season. He also mentioned substantial rice imports last year.

The President explained the adverse impact the loss-making Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC), Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the national carrier SriLankan Airlines was having on two State Banks and the subsequent consequences for the Central Bank.

We sought a clarification from the President as regards him calling for explanation from the CPC and SriLankan Airlines over the payment of bonuses last year, contrary to specific instructions issued by the government. Asked whether the Chairmen of the CPC (Mohamed Uvais Mohamed) and SriLankan Airlines (Ashok Pathirage) responded to his call for explanation, the President said they were yet to do so. The President asserted that SriLankan Airlines management granted bonuses ahead of privatisation of the airline. The CPC, too, had responded the same way, he added.

Responding to a query on Chairman of the Public Utilities Commission Janaka Ratnayake’s opposition to the proposed tariff hike, the President reiterated the official, who owned buildings, was personally affected by increaes in electricity prices. The President opined that Ratnayake couldn’t serve as Chairman of the Commission due to a conflict of interest.

Asked whether Ratnayake could hinder government moves, the President said the official couldn’t do. He said there was a dispute between Ratmayake and PUCSL Director General Damitha Kumarasinghe.

Litro Chairman Muditha Peiris received the appreciation of President Wickremesinghe after we commented on his handling of the crisis quite efficiently. (However, serious allegations directed at Litro over the procurement process at a time when the country experienced a balance of payment crisis cannot be ignored. The top Litro management has denied accusations made by the Parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises, during Prof. Charitha Herath’s tenure as the watchdog’s Chairperson).

Purchase of paddy halted

President Wickremesinghe suggested placing Divisional Secretaries (Assistant Government Agents) in charge of a paddy purchase scheme when we pointed out that though the government expected a bumper harvest this Maha season, farmers were up in arms over the failure on the part of the Paddy Marketing Board (PMB) to perform its primary duty last year. The President asserted that the PMB should be actually closed down.

We pointed out that over Rs 1 bn, in fixed deposit, belonging to the PMB, hadn’t been utilised, in spite of growing demands for government intervention. We also pointed out that State Finance Minister, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya, is on record as having said that the Treasury lacked the wherewithal to launch a paddy purchasing scheme.

President Wickremesinghe stressed the need for a ‘system change.’ The Sri Lankan leader stressed the need for a total overhaul of the system.

Wickremesinghe cited the crisis in the entire education system as a case in point. The need for setting up more government and private universities and the possibility of attracting foreign students, too, was discussed.

Asked whether the government was prepared to review the policy of having a large number of holidays as part of the overall system change President Wickremesinghe acknowledged the need to do so. Wickremesinghe said that he was ready to discuss the issue with religious leaders in an effort to reach a consensus on the reduction of holidays.

The President also stressed the need to streamline Railways and the Central Transport Board after we pointed out how railway services were deliberately disrupted, claiming staff shortage, following the retirement of some of its workers, in line with the government policy.

We also sought a clarification from the President, who also served as the Finance Minister, regarding the inordinate delay in recovering taxes, interests, etc., amounting to Rs 763 bn as disclosed by COPA (Committee on Public Accounts) Chairman Kabir Hashim, while the new and additional taxes were slapped on the entire population. The President responded by saying those were ‘old taxes.’ The President expressed dissatisfaction at the overall revenue collection mechanism. “Revenue should be about 18 to 19 percent of the GDP in a social market economy,” President Wickremesinghe said, while pointing out the requirement to gradually address issues at hand, pertaining to the economy.

President Wickremesinghe, in response to our query regarding accountability issues, dealt with land, PTA, full implementation of the 13th Amendment, and releasing of those who had been in detention for more than 14 years.

The President expressed the belief that Diaspora pressure could ease when his government addressed those issues. That could influence the international community, the President said.

The President was responding to our suggestion that the government should ask for an end to the Geneva process, targeting the war-winning Sri Lankan military, in parallel to the abolition of the PTA, and release of terrorist suspects. We questioned the legitimacy of war crimes accusations against the military after the Tamil community overwhelmingly voted for the war-winning Army Commander, then General Sarath Fonseka, at the 2010 presidential election.

President Wickremesinghe said pressure would begin to ease once the government did away with the PTA and released terrorists suspects.

Commenting on the continuing controversy over the scheduled Local Government polls, President Wickremesinghe said the members of the Election Commission were sharply divided on the timing of the LG polls.

Wickremesinghe indicated that the time was not opportune for Local Government polls, whereas his mandate was to run the country for the next two years.

While tackling national issues, President Wickremesinghe has to be mindful of other problems that may further undermine public faith in the political party system.

A glaring example is allegations made against Ashu Marasinghe. The resignation of Wickremesinghe’s Parliamentary Affairs Secretary, following allegations made by his ex-paramour, Adarsha Karadhana, of him sexually abusing a pet dog. Former MP Marasinghe has immediately initiated legal action against Karadhana and ex-lawmaker Hirunika Premachandra.

The Ashu Marasinghe affair has further weakened public confidence in a corrupt, irresponsible and reckless political party system, struggling to cope up with the worst ever political-economic-social crisis.



Midweek Review

How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit

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By Shamindra Ferdinando

Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.

Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.

Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.

Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.

The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.

The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.

Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.

The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.

Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.

Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.

The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.

But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.

The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.

House tricked

Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.

Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.

One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.

To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.

The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP

Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.

The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.

“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.

“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.

“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.

“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”

But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.

That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.

Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.

The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.

Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.

The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.

Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers

During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.

Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.

During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.

South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.

Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.

The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.

Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.

The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.

In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.

The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.

According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.

Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.

In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.

If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.

The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.

Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.

Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.

The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.

In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.

Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.

Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.

Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.

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Midweek Review

Seeking cultural transmission between bodies

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Mavin Khoo in an Odissi Solo to live music. © Foteini Christofilopoulou (L) / Taji Dias performing low country dance (14th Dec 2024) at Chitrasena Dance Company. Photo credit: Saumya Liyanage 2024 (R)

From Chitrasena to Akram Khan:

by Saumya Liyanage

Akram Khan is a world-renowned dancer, choreographer and the founder of Akram Khan Company (AKC) in the UK. He has been an impactful dancer and choreographer who was initially trained as a Kathak dancer during his apprenticeship under various Kathak Gurus in Asia and elsewhere. He and his dance company have created numerous dance productions that surpass the traditional boundaries. Akram Khan is a recipient of top awards including two Laurence Olivier Awards, the Bessie Award (New York Dance and Performance Award), the prestigious ISPA (International Society for the Performing Arts) Distinguished Artist Award, the Fred and Adele Astaire Award, the Herald Archangel Award at the Edinburgh International Festival, the South Bank Sky Arts Award, and ten Critics’ Circle National Dance Awards for his company.

With the initiative of the British Council in Colombo, the Akram Khan Dance Company contacted me a few months ago. The Legacy International Project Manager of the AKC, Varsha Kumar sent me an email informing me of an exciting project the dance company wanted to initiate in Jaffna. It was an upcoming collaboration between Akram Khan Company supported by the British Council Colombo to conduct an intense dance exchange workshop. This initiative facilitated a five-day intensive cultural transmission of Bharatanatyam dance conducted by Mavin Khoo, the artistic associate of the Akram Khan Company with a selected group of youth from Jaffna.

The idea was to continue and sustain the traditional dance forms and explore how they could be sustained and continued further through innovative practices. Mavin Khoo visited Jaffna for the first time to initiate this cultural transmission project with the hope of conducting this intense workshop on Bharatanatyam. Mavin Khoo, trained as a traditional dancer in Bharatanatyam in Malaysia, is a choreographer and the creative collaborator of Akram Khan. Mavin holds an MA in Choreography from Middlesex University and was a faculty member of the Dance Studies Department, School of Performing Arts at the University of Malta in 2014. He has been working as the rehearsal director of the Akram Khan Company and is exploring traditional dance and its contemporary relevance as a mode of human agency and provocation.

It is an ongoing work that the AKC initiated and this collaboration will continue further in future. Here is something interesting about what happened when Khoo, Varsha and their team came to Colombo after finishing the Jaffna Classical Intensive project. The British council director Edward Orlando invited me to a networking lunch in Colombo, where Khoo and Varsha were present. At lunch, I met some of the Sri Lankan dance community representatives. They included versatile dancers such as Upeka Chitrasena, Heshma Wignaraja, and Kapila Palihawadana. We shared our thoughts and ideas about dance and future collaborations during lunch. After this session, Upeka Chitrasena invited us to visit Chitrasena Dance Company. Akram Khan Company focused on helping peripheral dance groups to sustain and continue their traditional dance heritage and encouraged them to expand their possibilities of innovations, and the Chitrasena Dance Company in Colombo is also dedicated to preserving and continuing Sri Lankan traditional dance practices for posterity.

Dance as Ekstasis

I am not a dancer, but I have been interested in dance and dance theatre throughout my academic career. Dance and theatre share many elements and it is the body that is central to the dancer and actor’s work. A few days ago, at the Faculty of Medicine, a session was conducted by the Centre for Meditation Research on how movement facilitates happiness and wellbeing. With my research collaborators, Kanchana Malshani and Chamanee Darshika, I demonstrated how movement is central to our understanding of the self and the world. The key question that I posed at the seminar is that movement allows us to understand our body, time and space and allows us to understand how we could connect with other bodies. Movement is the primal element of the body of the animated being.

What fascinates me here is that actor/dancer experiences time and space and the Other, in a different way than we experience the same phenomena on the daily basis. Dance scholar and Philosopher Sheets Maxine-Johnston argues that Man comprises temporality within himself, for he is such an ekstatic being. He is always at a distance of himself, always in flight” (Sheets-Johnston, 2015, pp. 16-17). This statement clearly indicates how the dance and dance experience override the objective time and space. Greek etymology of the word ekstatic means how one emancipates from her/his own self and transcends for the daily reality. In this sense, the moving body of the dancer, as I witnessed at the Chitrasena Dance Company, shows that dancers’ “being” is not in the daily reality when they intensely move their bodies in the space and time with the complex drum ensemble. Hence, I argue that our understanding about time and space is constructed through the physiological and mathematical understanding of time and space. The other is understood in a way that we as selves are constructed and defined through various lingual and cultural discourses. In this sense, the dancer/actor surpasses these constructed boundaries when the body becomes animated through dance and acting.

We sat at the Chitrasena Dance Company in the afternoon of Dec., 14 2024, and Khoo and Varsha were scheduled to leave Colombo a few hours later. An intense and galvanising performance was unveiled at the bare stage of Chitrasena Dance Company with Thaji Dias and the dance ensemble with seven master drum players. One after the other, a series of traditional dance repertoires unfolded before our eyes. Particularly Thaji Dias’ mesmerising and electrifying bodily motility of Kandyan, Low Country and Sabaragamuwa styles blended with intense rigor and precision. It was evident that some of the dance repertoires that Thaji and the lead male dancer performed were somewhat improvisational, bringing key elements of Kandyan dance into an ecstasy of performance. Both dancers seemed to be connected with each other through somatic means, communicating with facial and bodily gestures to trigger certain dance repertoire to perform together. I witnessed that both dancers were kinesthetically and sensorially joined through learned repertoires to perform a new interpretation of Kandyan dance form.

Cultural Transmission

These traditional dance performances triggered several important questions related to the dance body and cultural transmission of somatic knowledge. First, when Heshma, the artistic director and choreographer of Chitrasena Dance Company introduced a particular dance repertoire developed and choreographed by Vajira Chitrasena, she articulated this as a cultural transmission of choreographic knowledge which came through two generations of dancers. This statement triggered several important questions related to dance historiography. When Chitrasena and Vajira choreographed their works, it may have been done through the embodied knowledge that they possessed through what they learnt and mastered from the traditional Gurus. However, Chitrasena and Vijira may have understood that replicating traditional dance and its repertoire would not add any innovation to their dance interventions. My interest was drawn to this phenomenon and the question emerged on how these individual dance artists have distilled the traditional Kandyan dance to modernist choreographic works through adding innovative elements to their newly founded body notations.

Researchers who are working on the intangible cultural heritage mainly focus on how traditional dance and heritage can be transmitted. They are mainly concerned about how these traditions are continued and sustained through contemporary dance ensembles. However, the intangible heritage discourse has least focused on how these dance traditions have been changing through time and how these new elemental changes have been transformed and transmitted to the next generation of dancers. During our encounters with dance choreographer and artistic director of Chitrasena Dance Company, Heshma discussed how they “do” dance. Her articulation of “doing” dance rather than talking about dance explains how they transmit knowledge of somatic elements of dance through bodies. She said, “We rarely talk … we do not use language but we do dance”. One of the challenges posed by these issues is that the corporeal learning and embodied knowledge cannot be objectified in the researcher’s eyes. They are somatically embedded in the dancers’ bodies and are sedimented within their dance repertoires. A meticulous observation, analysis and categorisation will be required for someone to understand and identify how these dance elements have been changed and embedded in the dancer’s body. As I believe, new dance ethnographic research would be useful for researchers to extricate those elemental dance repertoires to understand how contemporary dancers’ bodies embody dance heritage in their somatic memories.

Conclusion

Akram Khan and his creative associate Mavin Khoo explore the possibilities of preserving traditional dance forms while seeking opportunities to revive them through innovative practices. The Chitrasena Dance Company working in the field of traditional Sri Lankan dance ambitiously is in search of a new era of Sri Lankan dance while passing the Chitrasena -Vajira dance heritage to the next generation of dancers and choreographers. Both companies share similar objectives in dance preservation and innovations within the highly contested Global cultural domains. Khan, Khoo, Chitrasena, Vajira, Thaji and other dancers embody a vast knowledge of somatic practices akin to their own dance traditions. Yet, these ekstatic bodies transcend the daily constructed selves, which carry the somatic knowledge of dance that are waiting to be disseminated in the bodies of the next generation of dancers. These areas of dance-ethnography should be further developed to understand the embodied knowledge and the somatic practices infiltrated through the generations of dancers and drummers. New dance-ethnography, dance historiography and new methodologies should be developed and applied to deepen our understanding of dance as an explicit knowledge of human expressions, emotions and ecstasy.

References

Sheets-Johnston, M. (2015). The phenomenology of dance. Philadelphia (Pensilvania, Estados Unidos) Temple University Press.

Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.

Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.

Nürnberger, Marianne. 2014. “Vajira – the First Professional Female Dancer of the Sinhalese Style.” Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities 40 (0): 99. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljh.v40i0.7232.

Raheem, Mirak. 2022. “Vajira: The Pioneering Female Dancer.” South Asian Dance Intersections 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.55370/sadi.v1i1.1475.

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Saumya Liyanage is an actor and professor in Drama and Theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka. saumya.l@vpa.ac.lk

The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for her assistance in preparing this article.

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Midweek Review

Motherhood Triumphs

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(Photo by Mahmoud Zaki/Xinhua)

By Lynn Ockersz

Out of war’s destructive wastes,

And piles of mortal remains,

There emerge buds of promise,

Hardly into their teenage years,

That radiate childhood innocence,

And a motherhood of selflessness,

That would give fragile humans,

Their only security guarantee,

In a life rifled with uncertainties.

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