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Midweek Review

Prez polls 2024:Passage of Economic Transformation Bill strengthens Ranil’s strategy

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Independent presidential candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe with Minister Romesh Pathirana (SLPP), Wajira Abeywardena (UNP) and Minister Manusha Nanayakkara (SJB) at the 'Ekwa Jaya Gamu – Api Galle' public rally held on July 27 at the Galle Municipal Council Stadium (pic courtesy PMD)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Japanese Ambassador in Colombo Hideaki Mizukoshi meticulously dealt with Sri Lankan economy and post-Aragalaya developments in a strongly-worded speech delivered at the Sasakawa Memorial Hall, Bala Tampoe Lane, Colombo 03, last week.

Ambassador Mizukoshi didn’t mince his words as he delved into the still developing political-economic-social crisis that forced an unprecedented political change in 2022, just a couple of months after he received the diplomatic appointment here. After clandestine preparations, Aragalaya was launched on March 31, 2022. The violent protest was staged outside President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatta, Mirihana. The President was forced out of office on July 14, 2022, and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe installed as the eighth President, a week later, to pave the way for an extraordinary international effort to rescue bankrupt Sri Lanka or was it a case of ‘economic hitmen’ having deliberately bankrupted the country to undo the unprecedented achievements of the Rajapaksas, especially in militarily destroying the terror outfit, the LTTE, against the wishes of the so-called international community – meaning the arrogant West?

The so-called experts who blame everything on the Rajapaksas at the drop of a hat, however do not explain why the Yahapalana government, whose Prime Minister was Ranil Wickremesinghe, resorted to borrowing from the international bond market more than 10 billion dollars, at high interest, on top of getting over one billion US dollars by Leasing out the Hambantota port, without undertaking any notable projects of their own to show what they did with all that money,.

The Yahapalana lot also shamelessly staged two massive daylight robberies at the country’s Central Bank with an imported Singaporean Governor as its head at the time and he was allowed to slip out of the country scot-free.

. They even got a ‘joker’ MP to write a book denying there having been any robbery at the Central Bank. He certainly is no joker, being a lawyer he would have definitely benefited.

Among the invitees at the event, organized by the Lanka-Japan Friendship Society (LJFS), where Ambassador Mizukoshi expressed his candid views on the issues at hand and challenges ahead, was Deshamanya Prof. Waligamage Don Lakshman, the 15th Governor of the Central Bank. His wife Kalyani Sirisili was by his side.

The former Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, for a period of six years during President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s first term (1994-1999), served as the Governor, CBSL, at the time, rapid economic deterioration took place in the post 2019 presidential election. Having succeeded Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy on Dec 24th, 2019, Prof. Lakshman resigned on Sept. 14, 2021, amidst the onset of the crisis, widely blamed on the mismanagement of the economy and criminal negligence on the part of those responsible for fiscal discipline over a period of time.

Prof. Lakshman had been one of those who were found guilty by the Supreme Court last November for the economic collapse. Among the others faulted by the Supreme Court were former President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, ex-Governor, CBSL Ajith Nivard Cabraal, ex-Minister Basil Rajapaksa and Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, Secretary to the then President.

Going back to the Yahapalana government that obtained over USD 10,000 mn in new International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs), between 2015 and 2019, so no wonder we still have an outstanding ISB stock of USD 12,500 million. In a statement issued on Dec 20, 2023, the former President asserted that USD 10,000 mn in new ISBs procured between 2015 and 2019 broke the back of our economy. Rajapaksa alleged that the IMF declined in March 2020 to provide Sri Lanka emergency assistance. The rest is history.

Within weeks after being appointed Governor, CBSL, in April 2022, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe told the watchdog parliamentary committee why the IMF declined to assist Sri Lanka.

Among the audience at Sasakawa Memorial Hall were Prof. G.L. Peiris, MP, Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda, who served as our Ambassador to Japan during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure as President, and career diplomat Rodney Perera, incumbent Ambassador in Tokyo. Perera, who opted for early retirement while serving as Ambassador in Washington in late 2020, received appointment as Ambassador in Tokyo in January 2023. He is one of the sons of the late UNP parliamentarian Paul Perera.

Paying a glowing tribute to Central Bank Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe and Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardena for spearheading the economic recovery, Ambassador Mizukoshi issued a dire warning to political parties jostling for power. Ambassador Mizukoshi declared that regardless of the outcome of the Sept 21 presidential election, the country would have to adhere to IMF remedies or face the consequences. The Japanese envoy emphasized that Sri Lanka couldn’t under any circumstances deviate from the agreement reached with the IMF. Of course, he was speaking for like-minded countries.

Japan, one of the Quad countries, is a major US ally and represents their interests. Ambassador Mizukoshi also discussed the unprecedented nature in taking up the debt issue with China, the number one creditor, especially against the backdrop of both China and number 3 creditor India not being part of the Paris club. Japan is the number 2 creditor.

Ambassador Mizukoshi pinpointed the failure on the part of the powers that be to address basic issues, even after the irresponsible governance bankrupted the country. The top envoy explained how utterly lethargic bureaucracy caused delays and in some cases held up external help to the needy. But, what really raised eyebrows were his unvarnished comments on the controversial issuance of online visas. Ambassador Mizukoshi explained how the new system discouraged foreigners from visiting Sri Lanka at a time the country needed a revenue boost.

The 30-minute speech put those in authority to shame. Instead of being upset by such frank expression of views, the government should address the contentious issues at hand without further delay. During a brief question and answer session, Ambassador Mizukoshi emphasized the responsibility on the part of Sri Lankans to tackle corruption at all levels. The Japanese envoy made reference to the ongoing Japanese-funded UNDP project aimed at strengthening the CIABOC (Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption).

GR causes sharp drop in revenue

collection

As underscored by Ambassador Mizukoshi, the pivotal importance in adhering to IMF remedies, whoever wins the presidential election, the revenue collection is expected to be one of the major challenges.

The IMF has proposed a series of tax reforms meant to achieve fiscal sustainability and tax to GDP ratio of at least 14% by 2026. The current issues cannot be discussed without making reference to unparalleled 2019 tax cuts that destabilized the national economy. Apparently stubborn Gotabaya, who was no economist, being essentially an ex-military man, was misled by his economic advisors at the worst possible time.

Claiming that the tax cuts would boost the domestic economy, the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government reduced Value Added Tax (VAT) from 15% to 8%, abolished 2% Nation Building Tax (NBT). The government combined NBT with the Ports and Airport Development Levy with a relevant ratio of 10%, and tax on telecommunications tariffs was slashed by 25%. The following taxes were done away with: economic service charge, debit tax in banking and financial institutions, capital gains tax on the share market, VAT on sovereign property, Pay as You Earn (PAYE) tax, withholding tax on interest income and credit service tax.

The pandemic and the tax relief caused a massive burden on the Treasury. As a result of these foolish decisions tax revenue, as a percentage of GDP, was reduced from 8.1% in 2020 to 7.7% in 2021. The number of taxpayers dropped by a million between 2020 and 2022. The economy couldn’t stomach the deadly blows delivered by the government in a country where the contribution of direct taxes to the GDP was only 2%.

An IMF Technical Assistance report: Sri Lanka Governance Diagnostic Assessment released in September 2023 attributed the continuing crisis to what the IMF described as a confluence of shocks and policy missteps led to a deep economic and governance crisis. The report prepared by a team led by Joel Turkewitz pointed out how two years of low tourism revenues, due to COVID, loss of market access, deep reductions in tax revenues, and the debt service burden depleted reserves, ruined the economy.

In spite of reaching agreement with bilateral and private creditors, regarding debt repayment, the country is yet to work out proper structures required to streamline tax collections. The responsibility on the part of the incumbent government, and the party that secures the presidency at the September 21 election, is to implement tax reforms to strengthen the fiscal position and address structural weakness of the domestic economy on a priority basis.

One of the key issues that should be addressed by the government, following the next presidential election, is the Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 enacted at the behest of Yahapalana Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe. Some lawmakers, including Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, both in and outside Parliament, on numerous occasions, declared that the abolition of Exchange Control Act No 24 of 1953 contributed to the economic crisis. Unfortunately, Dr. Rajapakshe, being the only lawmaker to represent the government parliamentary group, did nothing, except for repeatedly alleging the new law allowed unscrupulous exporters not to bring back export proceeds. However, Dr. Rajapakshe, appeared to have conveniently forgotten that he had been among those Yahapalana lawmakers who voted for the new Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 that replaced the time tested Exchange Control Act No 24 of 1953.

Having voted for that damaging piece of legislation, the then UNPers now with the SJB, too, remain silent. SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa himself had voted for Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017, along with Dr. Harsha de Silva, Eran Wickremaratne and Kabir Hashim, key members of the SJB parliamentary group crying so much about the need for proper financial management.

Some useful proposals

Active citizen L.J. Udukumburage, recently discussed ways and means of improving tax collection and the responsibility on the part of political parties, represented in Parliament, to take tangible measures in this regard.

In a brief interview with The Island, at his office, Udukumburage, CEO of Iceland Residencies, located opposite the Indian High Commission, found fault with successive governments for their egregious failure to adopt a comprehensive tax strategy.

Had there been an efficient system devoid of political interventions/interferences, as in the case of 2019 tax cuts, the country would have been in a much better position in the economic crisis. The Supreme Court ruling on the ruination of the economy in November 2023 must be made available to all members of Parliament as well as the executive for them to understand the gravity of the situation.

Udukumburage asserted that by ensuring all payments above Rs 50,000 were channelled through the banking system, tax collection could be maximized. If properly implemented, there was absolutely no requirement to maintain a cumbersome personal tax files system, Udukumburage said, adding that this would pave the way for bringing back black money into the legal system following taxation.

Responding to queries, Udukumburage explained the proposed strategy (1) all payments over Rs 50,000 must be through bank transfers-savings/current account or debit/credit card (2) ATM and other cash withdrawals, including credit card tax free up to Rs 200,000 a month (3) strict monitoring of opening of new accounts. Udukumburage proposed an amnesty for those who bank cash above Rs 200,000 in hand. “Of course, the government needed to enact laws to ensure people adhere to the curbs in place,” Udukumburage said, urging the powers that be to take appropriate measures without further delay to tighten up the banking system.

Referring to discussions both in and outside Parliament, after the declaration of bankruptcy in April 2022, Udukumburage pointed out that various systems acquired at tremendous cost to the taxpayer had been ineffective or not properly used for obvious reasons. The total amount of uncollected taxes and fines often mentioned in press releases issued by Parliament is evidence that successive governments lacked the political will to go the whole hog.

Revenue collection apparatus remained ineffective and corrupt as alleged by Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee Patali Champika Ranawaka, MP and leader of Eksath Janaraja Peremuna. The recent declaration by the former Minister that several liquor producers, including W.M. Mendis Company, owed the government Rs 6 bn, though the Excise Department estimated that amount to Rs 600 mn, underscored the severity of the issue.

The accusations directed at the Customs and Inland Revenue Department, the two other primary revenue collection setups over the years remained uninvestigated. In spite of disclosures made at parliamentary watchdog committees as regards the Excise, Inland Revenue and Customs, successive governments haven’t taken remedial measures.

Udukumburage emphasized that if the government took appropriate measures to streamline tax collection, those struggling to make ends meet wouldn’t be burdened with additional taxes. Instead of introducing new taxes or further increasing VAT (Value Added Tax), the government, the one elected following the next national election, could overhaul the revenue collection setup, Udukumburage declared.

Udukumburage proposed that the government should take into consideration strong opposition to tax salaries above Rs 100,000. Pointing out that many protested against the current PAYE tax scheme, Udukumburage asserted that the government could increase the monthly personal tax free allowance to Rs 200,000 by streamlining tax collection.

Ranil issues warning

Close on the heels of the Japanese Ambassador stressing the responsibility on the part of the presidential election winner to adhere to IMF remedies, President Wickremesinghe reiterated, in Galle, that his government was operating in line with the agreement reached with the Washington-based lending body. The UNP leader dismissed claims that his government was operating outside the IMF framework while warning that such false declarations jeopardize the country.

Despite strong opposition from some members of Parliament, President Wickremesinghe, in spite of being reduced to just one UNP MP in Parliament, pursued his political strategy.

A few hours before the Japanese Ambassador’s talk, Parliament passed the Public Financial Management Bill and the Economic Transformation Bill, both crucial pieces of legislation adopted in support of the IMF-led recovery effort. The Parliament adopted both Bills without a vote following amendments made during the committee stage.

The approval for the two Bills can be considered a personal victory for President Wickremesinghe. The SJB-led Opposition owes an explanation whether they are satisfied with the amendments introduced during the committee stage.

Dissident SLPP MP Charitha Herath recently declared that Wickremesinghe couldn’t, under any circumstances, compel other political parties to adopt and continue with his economic policies in case he lost the forthcoming national election.

Herath, now aligned with the SJB, is on record as having alleged that the ‘Economic Transformation Bill’ and ‘Public Financial Management Bill’ were intended to transform Wickremesinghe’s political manifesto for the forthcoming presidential poll into a far reaching law.

MP Herath warned if Wickremesinghe succeeded in his endeavour, it could have a detrimental effect on the political party system. Actually, the new law would make the election process a farce. In fact, such a law or system could exist only in a country ruled by hardline communists, MP Herath told The Island.

Whatever the circumstances, the Parliament adopted two Bills, particularly the Economic Transformation Bill, and the move would be appealing to the IMF bent on ensuring Sri Lanka’s adherence to its remedies, often criticized by the Opposition. The creditors’ position articulated by the Japanese Ambassador recently and the passage of the Economic Transformation Bill would be in good stead for Wickremesinghe campaigning for a five-year term.



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Midweek Review

How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit

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By Shamindra Ferdinando

Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.

Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.

Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.

Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.

The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.

The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.

Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.

The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.

Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.

Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.

The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.

But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.

The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.

House tricked

Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.

Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.

One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.

To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.

The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP

Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.

The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.

“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.

“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.

“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.

“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”

But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.

That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.

Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.

The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.

Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.

The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.

Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers

During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.

Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.

During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.

South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.

Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.

The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.

Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.

The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.

In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.

The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.

According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.

Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.

In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.

If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.

The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.

Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.

Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.

The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.

In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.

Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.

Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.

Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.

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Midweek Review

Seeking cultural transmission between bodies

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Mavin Khoo in an Odissi Solo to live music. © Foteini Christofilopoulou (L) / Taji Dias performing low country dance (14th Dec 2024) at Chitrasena Dance Company. Photo credit: Saumya Liyanage 2024 (R)

From Chitrasena to Akram Khan:

by Saumya Liyanage

Akram Khan is a world-renowned dancer, choreographer and the founder of Akram Khan Company (AKC) in the UK. He has been an impactful dancer and choreographer who was initially trained as a Kathak dancer during his apprenticeship under various Kathak Gurus in Asia and elsewhere. He and his dance company have created numerous dance productions that surpass the traditional boundaries. Akram Khan is a recipient of top awards including two Laurence Olivier Awards, the Bessie Award (New York Dance and Performance Award), the prestigious ISPA (International Society for the Performing Arts) Distinguished Artist Award, the Fred and Adele Astaire Award, the Herald Archangel Award at the Edinburgh International Festival, the South Bank Sky Arts Award, and ten Critics’ Circle National Dance Awards for his company.

With the initiative of the British Council in Colombo, the Akram Khan Dance Company contacted me a few months ago. The Legacy International Project Manager of the AKC, Varsha Kumar sent me an email informing me of an exciting project the dance company wanted to initiate in Jaffna. It was an upcoming collaboration between Akram Khan Company supported by the British Council Colombo to conduct an intense dance exchange workshop. This initiative facilitated a five-day intensive cultural transmission of Bharatanatyam dance conducted by Mavin Khoo, the artistic associate of the Akram Khan Company with a selected group of youth from Jaffna.

The idea was to continue and sustain the traditional dance forms and explore how they could be sustained and continued further through innovative practices. Mavin Khoo visited Jaffna for the first time to initiate this cultural transmission project with the hope of conducting this intense workshop on Bharatanatyam. Mavin Khoo, trained as a traditional dancer in Bharatanatyam in Malaysia, is a choreographer and the creative collaborator of Akram Khan. Mavin holds an MA in Choreography from Middlesex University and was a faculty member of the Dance Studies Department, School of Performing Arts at the University of Malta in 2014. He has been working as the rehearsal director of the Akram Khan Company and is exploring traditional dance and its contemporary relevance as a mode of human agency and provocation.

It is an ongoing work that the AKC initiated and this collaboration will continue further in future. Here is something interesting about what happened when Khoo, Varsha and their team came to Colombo after finishing the Jaffna Classical Intensive project. The British council director Edward Orlando invited me to a networking lunch in Colombo, where Khoo and Varsha were present. At lunch, I met some of the Sri Lankan dance community representatives. They included versatile dancers such as Upeka Chitrasena, Heshma Wignaraja, and Kapila Palihawadana. We shared our thoughts and ideas about dance and future collaborations during lunch. After this session, Upeka Chitrasena invited us to visit Chitrasena Dance Company. Akram Khan Company focused on helping peripheral dance groups to sustain and continue their traditional dance heritage and encouraged them to expand their possibilities of innovations, and the Chitrasena Dance Company in Colombo is also dedicated to preserving and continuing Sri Lankan traditional dance practices for posterity.

Dance as Ekstasis

I am not a dancer, but I have been interested in dance and dance theatre throughout my academic career. Dance and theatre share many elements and it is the body that is central to the dancer and actor’s work. A few days ago, at the Faculty of Medicine, a session was conducted by the Centre for Meditation Research on how movement facilitates happiness and wellbeing. With my research collaborators, Kanchana Malshani and Chamanee Darshika, I demonstrated how movement is central to our understanding of the self and the world. The key question that I posed at the seminar is that movement allows us to understand our body, time and space and allows us to understand how we could connect with other bodies. Movement is the primal element of the body of the animated being.

What fascinates me here is that actor/dancer experiences time and space and the Other, in a different way than we experience the same phenomena on the daily basis. Dance scholar and Philosopher Sheets Maxine-Johnston argues that Man comprises temporality within himself, for he is such an ekstatic being. He is always at a distance of himself, always in flight” (Sheets-Johnston, 2015, pp. 16-17). This statement clearly indicates how the dance and dance experience override the objective time and space. Greek etymology of the word ekstatic means how one emancipates from her/his own self and transcends for the daily reality. In this sense, the moving body of the dancer, as I witnessed at the Chitrasena Dance Company, shows that dancers’ “being” is not in the daily reality when they intensely move their bodies in the space and time with the complex drum ensemble. Hence, I argue that our understanding about time and space is constructed through the physiological and mathematical understanding of time and space. The other is understood in a way that we as selves are constructed and defined through various lingual and cultural discourses. In this sense, the dancer/actor surpasses these constructed boundaries when the body becomes animated through dance and acting.

We sat at the Chitrasena Dance Company in the afternoon of Dec., 14 2024, and Khoo and Varsha were scheduled to leave Colombo a few hours later. An intense and galvanising performance was unveiled at the bare stage of Chitrasena Dance Company with Thaji Dias and the dance ensemble with seven master drum players. One after the other, a series of traditional dance repertoires unfolded before our eyes. Particularly Thaji Dias’ mesmerising and electrifying bodily motility of Kandyan, Low Country and Sabaragamuwa styles blended with intense rigor and precision. It was evident that some of the dance repertoires that Thaji and the lead male dancer performed were somewhat improvisational, bringing key elements of Kandyan dance into an ecstasy of performance. Both dancers seemed to be connected with each other through somatic means, communicating with facial and bodily gestures to trigger certain dance repertoire to perform together. I witnessed that both dancers were kinesthetically and sensorially joined through learned repertoires to perform a new interpretation of Kandyan dance form.

Cultural Transmission

These traditional dance performances triggered several important questions related to the dance body and cultural transmission of somatic knowledge. First, when Heshma, the artistic director and choreographer of Chitrasena Dance Company introduced a particular dance repertoire developed and choreographed by Vajira Chitrasena, she articulated this as a cultural transmission of choreographic knowledge which came through two generations of dancers. This statement triggered several important questions related to dance historiography. When Chitrasena and Vajira choreographed their works, it may have been done through the embodied knowledge that they possessed through what they learnt and mastered from the traditional Gurus. However, Chitrasena and Vijira may have understood that replicating traditional dance and its repertoire would not add any innovation to their dance interventions. My interest was drawn to this phenomenon and the question emerged on how these individual dance artists have distilled the traditional Kandyan dance to modernist choreographic works through adding innovative elements to their newly founded body notations.

Researchers who are working on the intangible cultural heritage mainly focus on how traditional dance and heritage can be transmitted. They are mainly concerned about how these traditions are continued and sustained through contemporary dance ensembles. However, the intangible heritage discourse has least focused on how these dance traditions have been changing through time and how these new elemental changes have been transformed and transmitted to the next generation of dancers. During our encounters with dance choreographer and artistic director of Chitrasena Dance Company, Heshma discussed how they “do” dance. Her articulation of “doing” dance rather than talking about dance explains how they transmit knowledge of somatic elements of dance through bodies. She said, “We rarely talk … we do not use language but we do dance”. One of the challenges posed by these issues is that the corporeal learning and embodied knowledge cannot be objectified in the researcher’s eyes. They are somatically embedded in the dancers’ bodies and are sedimented within their dance repertoires. A meticulous observation, analysis and categorisation will be required for someone to understand and identify how these dance elements have been changed and embedded in the dancer’s body. As I believe, new dance ethnographic research would be useful for researchers to extricate those elemental dance repertoires to understand how contemporary dancers’ bodies embody dance heritage in their somatic memories.

Conclusion

Akram Khan and his creative associate Mavin Khoo explore the possibilities of preserving traditional dance forms while seeking opportunities to revive them through innovative practices. The Chitrasena Dance Company working in the field of traditional Sri Lankan dance ambitiously is in search of a new era of Sri Lankan dance while passing the Chitrasena -Vajira dance heritage to the next generation of dancers and choreographers. Both companies share similar objectives in dance preservation and innovations within the highly contested Global cultural domains. Khan, Khoo, Chitrasena, Vajira, Thaji and other dancers embody a vast knowledge of somatic practices akin to their own dance traditions. Yet, these ekstatic bodies transcend the daily constructed selves, which carry the somatic knowledge of dance that are waiting to be disseminated in the bodies of the next generation of dancers. These areas of dance-ethnography should be further developed to understand the embodied knowledge and the somatic practices infiltrated through the generations of dancers and drummers. New dance-ethnography, dance historiography and new methodologies should be developed and applied to deepen our understanding of dance as an explicit knowledge of human expressions, emotions and ecstasy.

References

Sheets-Johnston, M. (2015). The phenomenology of dance. Philadelphia (Pensilvania, Estados Unidos) Temple University Press.

Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.

Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.

Nürnberger, Marianne. 2014. “Vajira – the First Professional Female Dancer of the Sinhalese Style.” Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities 40 (0): 99. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljh.v40i0.7232.

Raheem, Mirak. 2022. “Vajira: The Pioneering Female Dancer.” South Asian Dance Intersections 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.55370/sadi.v1i1.1475.

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Saumya Liyanage is an actor and professor in Drama and Theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka. saumya.l@vpa.ac.lk

The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for her assistance in preparing this article.

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Midweek Review

Motherhood Triumphs

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(Photo by Mahmoud Zaki/Xinhua)

By Lynn Ockersz

Out of war’s destructive wastes,

And piles of mortal remains,

There emerge buds of promise,

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And a motherhood of selflessness,

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