Features
President turns ‘amysterious’, politics turns acrimonious, economy left in limbo
by Rajan Philips
The Island editorial on Thursday wondered whether the current debate in parliament is on Budget (2023) or Buddhism. What is beyond wondering is that there is no mention of the country’s economy in the ongoing committee stage debate after the very comfortable passage of the vote on the Second Reading of the 2023 Budget. The President is adding fiery spices to the debate by his frequent participation in the debate and dropping baits all around for his detractors to pick up and run wild. Ranil Wickremesinghe has opened a new track in Sri Lankan politics as a ‘parliamentary president.’
Sajith Premadasa is showing himself to be a glutton for argument along with his penchant for wide ranging quotations all the way from Keynesian equations to Buddhist Suttas. Even Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who made an impressively substantial speech on the country’s economic woes and corruption curses at a recent public meeting in Badulla, has been reticent on these matters in parliament. He too waded into the holy waters of Suttas in parliament, according to The Island.
Buddhism may have been the only enlightened distraction in the budget deliberations, and one that allowed Buddhist MPs to put their religiosity on public display. There were plenty of other distractions that reduced politics to its sordid worst and provoked MPs into acrimonious arguments. For all his calm equanimity, the President seems to be getting hot under his collar every time someone reminds him that he owes his presidency to Aragalaya. He denies and contends that he owes it to the constitution. Really?
From Crisis to Putting Down
Is it the constitution that required Mahinda Rajapaksa to resign and Gotabaya Rajapaksa to invite Ranil Wickremesinghe to be Prime Minister? Is it the constitution that forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to appoint Ranil Wickremesinghe as Acting President, before fleeing and then resigning? Resignations and appointments were all consistent with the constitution, but they were not required or caused by the constitution. The last time someone made a silly non-constitutional argument like this was when Wimal Weerawansa crowed that “it is our constitutional duty” to impeach Shirani Bandaranayake. Ranil Wickremesinghe knows better even though he took a cynical and lighthearted approach to the impeachment of a Chief Justice. Now he is talking constitution.
After he became ‘crisis Prime Minister’ to Gotabaya Rajapaksa, it was reported that one of the conditions, if not the only one, insisted on by Ranil Wickremesinghe was that the government should take no action against Aragalaya protesters. From crisis Prime Minister, Mr. Wickremesinghe has graduated into a putdown President. Put down protesters on the streets and put down Sajith Premadasa in parliament. The President ignored interventions by others, notably by JVP/NPP’s Harini Amarasuriya who persisted in questioning the President how he could deny that he became Prime Minister and President only because of the protesters. Instead, he picked on Premadasa, a vulnerable target and taunted him with the letter that Premadasa had written to Gotabaya Rajapaksa expressing his willingness to become Prime Minister subject to certain conditions, one of which was that parliamentary elections should be called at the earliest possible opportunity. After the President finished, his attack dogs went after Premadasa in parliament.
The point in all this is why should the President get so defensive whenever he is not incorrectly reminded that he is where he is today because of Aragalaya? Why cannot he generously acknowledge the antecedents of his ascent to the highest office in the land, while at the same time cautioning that the country cannot afford endless protests in the economic situation that it has been shoved into? As well, why is it that he has not to-date tried to open a dialogue with protest delegations either directly or indirectly through accredited emissaries? That would go a long way in affirming his bona fides as a liberal democrat and an inclusive political leader than all the kite flying about starting a youth parliament or creating quotas for youth representation in parliament.
The even bigger point is that the President doesn’t have to stoop to anything low from the political high road that he can comfortably keep riding in the current circumstances. He could keep his focus and that of the country on the economy and on critical political initiatives which would generate more consensus than controversy among the people. That way he could build on the general goodwill that he is currently enjoying and the political capital that has come his way as a result of the fall of capital in the economy.
Goodwill and capital are ephemeral acquisitions in politics, and more so for a person like Ranil Wickremesinghe, who by most accounts is respected for his intelligence but otherwise unpopular as a politician. So too was his kinsman and mentor JR Jayewardene, but there is a difference. JRJ was also feared, but not Ranil Wickremesinghe whom everyone feels free to take a potshot at. RW has louder detractors than he has loud supporters, and they are already vigorously at work to undermine him after sitting on their hands while the Rajapaksas took the country to the cleaners. That he is now in bed with their beloved Rajapaksas makes no difference to their political bile.
Alternative Truths
Alternative-truth narratives are slowly emerging. Aragalaya was neither homegrown nor spontaneous. It was all the work of foreign money – precious dollars! Gotabaya Rajapaksa would still be in power if only he had gone to the IMF in December 2019. (Before or after slashing income taxes? Just asking). Organic fertilizer fiasco was not the President’s fault, but the result of faulty advice. (What about his judgment? Like the one that freed Duminda Silva from jail). The most creative of them all is that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had his hands tied from controlling Aragalaya by the United States of America. (What happened to patriotism?) And Ambassador Julie Chung’s statement was enough to restrain the army and the police from containing the violent backlashes on May 9 afternoon in retaliation to the morning attacks on the Galle Face protesters by Rajapakasa goons let loose from Temple Tress. Who inspired Temple Trees, Beijing? Does anything originate in Sri Lanka without a foreign hand? So much for sovereignty.
No one has connected the imaginary dots to directly accuse Ranil Wickremesinghe that he is part of a grand US or Western plan that got rid of the Rajapaksas and installed him in power. Making a statement during the budget debate, Mahinda Rajapaksa drew half of the conspiracy circle, alluding to forces who created the crisis and organized the economic collapse. Yes, Sri Lanka’s economic collapse is a wholly “man-made and voluntary economic crisis,” as Prof. Mick Moore of the University of Sussex has described it. But the men who made it are members of the Rajapaksa family and their corteges. Not any other forces, internal or external.
I said Mahinda Rajapaksa drew only half a circle, because he could not start the other half without crashing into Ranil Wickremesinghe. The Rajapaksas are in no position to implicate Ranil Wickremesinghe in any conspiracy. If at all, Ranil-Rajapaksa might be a conspiracy. As President, Ranil Wickremesinghe has done what Gotabaya Rajapaksa did not do. He let loose the army and the police on protesters to clear public spaces, and he drew criticism from the West including the US Ambassador in Colombo. He rebuffed them, and for that he earned the praise of that venerable patriot Gunadasa Amarasekara. Lesser patriots may yet take a different route and implicate Ranil Wickremesinghe in one or another conspiracy theories against Sri Lanka.
That is the paradox of being Ranil Wickremesinghe in Sri Lankan politics. Now more so, than ever before. He benefits from a general sense in the country (some might say only in Colombo), that he is better than everyone else in parliament to lead Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. At the same time, he has an implacable body of detractors who are dead set against him as an untrustworthy 21st century version of Sri Lanka’s 20th Century Fox. Yankee Dick. JRJ. Who else? Unlike JR, RW has cultivated an image as a liberal democrat, minority friendly, and human rights defender. For that reason, the nationalists suspect him and make his relationship with the army appear to be more tenuous than what it really might be. His placating the army and berating the protesters is not going to overly please his detractors, or save him from becoming a victim of their new counter-aragalaya, alternative-truth narratives.
Election Scenarios
There is politics in the country and there is politics in parliament. The linkages between the two have never been so sparse as they are now. Parliament failed miserably when it failed to channel the momentum created by Aragalaya out on the streets into the institutional structures on the arena of the state. The President who is a beneficiary of the protests is also an electee of parliament and not elected by the people. That in itself is not a problem and it is also constitutional. The problem arises when the President asserts only his constitutionality and ignores the equally vital need for political credibility. And it arises when the President tries to yank the country towards what he thinks is best for the people instead of yanking himself to align with what the people indicate they most need at the moment.
The political parties in parliament are as ineffective now as they were during the protests. The opposition parties are all relying on an early election whereas the SLPPers in government would prefer to complete their full term before facing the people or running away from them.
As I wrote last week, the President is sitting pretty and that assessment holds more on account of the political dynamic in parliament than the more diverse political currents in the country. The opposition calls for early elections are also intended to gamble on the political uncertainties in the country rather than bide their time till elections are called as they come due. With the President saying that he is not going to prematurely dissolve parliament for an early election, there would be pressure on him not to delay the local government elections which are due next year.
Here again the President is unnecessarily complicating matters for himself and for the management of the economy by not forthrightly committing his support for the local elections to go ahead at the lawful discretion of the Election Commission. Ideally, and as the Head of State, President Wickremesinghe should stay neutral and not involve himself in the local elections in any way. That would keep him above the fray and on the high road no matter who wins or loses the elections. On the other hand, he would immeasurably hurt his credibility as a ‘crisis President’ if he were to lead the UNP campaign in the election or form a desperate alliance with even more desperate Basil Rajapaksa.
Last week, I got carried away by election speculations and alluded to the possibility that the President might opt to have early presidential and parliamentary elections together any time after November 16, 2023. I was going by news reports that an early presidential election might be called using the constitutional provision to call such an election four years after the last presidential election. I was immediately corrected by an email from Rohan Edrisinha, academic and constitutional scholar, that the current President cannot call an early presidential election because under the Third Amendment, which created the provision for early presidential elections, a person becoming President by virtue of being elected by parliament to fill a presidential vacancy, is not entitled to use that provision.
In other words, President Wickremesinghe cannot call a presidential election before the end of the five year term for which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected in November 2019. On the other hand, if Mr. Wickremesinghe were to decide to be a candidate in the presidential election after two years from now, he could still dissolve parliament and call for the two elections to be held concurrently. I wrote last week that November 2023 would be an eternity in politics. November 2024 would be an even longer eternity. And there is still a week left, itself a long time in politics, for more budget debate before the Third Reading on December 8.
Hopefully, the remainder of the debate will involve serious economics instead of political acrimony. Hopefully, as well, someone like Anura Kumara Dissanayake will force the new parliamentary President to update parliament, and the country, on the status of IMF assistance, debt restructuring, food supplies, fuel procurement, electricity tariffs, and the President’s assessment of the extent of corruption in his government and what he proposes to do about it. All of which have been glaringly left out of the budget.
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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