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President at last! Not President forever!!

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by Rajan Philips

Ranil Wickremesinghe is the third Sri Lankan President older than seventy years to assume office. He is seventy four, JR Jayewardene was seventy one, and DB Wijetunga seventy seven. All three of them assumed office without direct election by the people. JRJ was Prime Minister in 1977 and became President in 1978 through a constitutional amendment. He would go on to serve a second term after winning the first presidential election in 1982. DB Wijetunga was unanimously elected by parliament to fill the vacancy created by the assassination of President R. Premadasa in May 1993. He served the remainder of his predecessor’s term till November 1994, and was not a candidate in the 1994 election. Twenty eight years and four presidents (Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena and Gotabaya Rajapaksa) later, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become the first person to be elected President by a vote of parliament to fill the vacancy created by the country’s first presidential resignation.

Tortuous Journey

Mr. Wickremesinghe has had a tortuous journey to the summit of power that he has long coveted. He was a defeated candidate in the presidential elections in 1999 and 2005, and sat out the two succeeding elections for proxy candidates in 2010 and 2015. He wanted to be the UNP candidate in 2019 but was pressured by the Party to give way to Sajith Premadasa. The latter lost the 2019 presidential election and later broke up the UNP to create the now larger Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). The SJB won 54 seats in the 2020 parliamentary election and Sajith Premadasa became the Leader of the Opposition. The UNP rump was decimated with Ranil Wickremesinghe himself losing his seat for the first time after entering parliament in 1977. After initially resisting Ranil Wickremesinghe went back to parliament as the sole UNP MP through the National List. That is where Ranil Wickremesinghe was when political events came to a head on May 9.

It is not necessary here to trace the parallel disintegration of Sri Lanka’s other main political party, the SLFP, which ultimately led to the events of May 9. Suffice it to say that if the SLFP became the family party of the Bandaranaikes after the death of its founder SWRD Bandaranaike, the SLFP splinter – the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) was created in 2016 for the sole purpose of being the electoral vehicle for the upstart Rajapaksa political family. The SLPP has had plenty of outside enablers, legions of beneficiaries and civilizational fellow travelers, but Rajapaksa family interest was always at the core of the Party. As Basil Rajapaksa would ruefully admit later, they were good at winning elections but not at running a government.

The SLPP electoral vehicle took off spectacularly with sweeping wins in quick succession – the local government elections in February 2018, presidential election in November 2019 and the parliamentary election in August 2020. Hidden away behind electoral success, however, was the family’s collective incompetence and crass corruption. Both exploded with devastating consequences for the country (and the family) with the arrival of COVID-19 and the world’s worst “man-made” economic crisis. The upshot was the eruption of people’s protests now immortalized under the rubric of Aragalaya. The protesters by and large voicing the anger and frustration of all Sri Lankans demanded the resignation of the Rajapaksas from their multiple perches in the structure of state power. Every one of them did, rather was forced to do, except President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The beleaguered President went looking for an alternative Prime Minister and an all-party government to avoid leaving office as a failed president halfway through his term. Few were asked, but only one agreed and that was Ranil Wickremesinghe. He said he accepted the offer to be Gota’s PM for the sake of the country, but to everyone else in the country he was also saving Gota’s bacon. Yet, there was a palpable mood shift in the country as Ranil Wickremesinghe showed signs of restoring order, after months of Cabraal-chaos and clueless-presidency, in the management of the economy and in dealings with the IMF and international creditors.

Then stories began to come out that Mr. Wickremesinghe was up to his old (yahapalana) ways of running a parallel administration with outside sidekicks without involving cabinet ministers, government officials and the President himself. There were even rumours that he was going to nominate one of his sidekick experts as Governor of the Central Bank for a new full term. The country did not need another dubious outsider after the fiascos of Arjuna Mahendran and Nivard Cabraal. Public pressure had to be brought on the Prime Minister for him to relent into recommending to the President that the tenure of Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe be extended to a new full term. Further, the Prime Minister earned the people’s wrath by his neglect or failure over two months to mobilize government resources to provide for an orderly distribution of scarce essentials, especially fuel and cooking gas.

The fuel crisis triggered the second wave of protests on June 9, demanding the resignation of both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. Gotabaya Rajapaksa left the country after appointing Ranil Wickremesinghe to be Acting President. The President sent in his resignation papers from Singapore thereby creating the vacancy which has now been filled by the election of Ranil Wickremesinghe as President. President Wickremesinghe can serve out the remainder of the current presidential term ending in November 2024, and parliament can continue for its full term ending in August 2025, unless it is dissolved sooner by the President after March 2023. That is the constitutional position, but the political reality is different.

Political Reality and Risks

The demand for the ‘new’ President’s resignation was reignited at the Galle Face Green within hours of his election by parliament. Protesters, at least considerable sections of them, have rejected the election of Wickremesinghe by parliament as “a decision against the will of the people,” and have promised to continue the struggle for his removal. People have tasted the power of peaceful protest and the power to force a Prime Minister to resign without the bother of a No Confidence Motion in parliament, and to have a President run and resign without the laborious exercise of impeachment. The backdrop to these new ways of removal is of course the economic crisis, without the severity of which no protest movement would have come this far, or could go any further.

So, when protesters say that they will keep going with their campaign against Mr. Wickremesinghe, his government and even the whole ‘225’ lot of them, it must be seen as being predicated on their hardship experiences this year, the fear that their troubles are not going to be over soon, and the frustration that those who brought about the whole mess in the first place are still moving the levers of power without being penalized for the havoc they created.

The people are not asking for a violent overthrow of the government, but a general election to elect a new parliament. Over 70% of them in a representative sample have expressed the opinion that the presidential system must be abolished. People understand that elections cannot be called overnight, but they will not countenance those in power extending their stay in power without fundamental changes. There is no fascism here and there is no need to call on the military to do “whatever is necessary,” whatever it means.

Mr. Wickremesinghe caused a stir when he dropped the ‘f’ word (fascist) within hours of becoming the Acting President. He has since recanted and has adopted a softer refrain that he is all for peaceful protests but that he will brook no violence or the takeover or destruction of properties. Others blame Aragalaya for creating the political space that apparently enabled Ranil Wickremesinghe to become Prime Minister, Acting President, and finally President. Blaming Aragalaya for Ranil’s assent is misplaced accusation. Aragalaya did not bring Ranil to power, Gotabaya Rajapaksa did. So, blame Gota, or look into the mirror and blame yourself for enabling Gota in the first place.

Rajapaksas are now water under the bridge in spite of all the speculations that they are still in control and are pulling the puppet strings on Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mr. Wickremesinghe may yet try to deflect potential legal lassos that the Rajapaksas might come under. That is the old school culture of mutual back-scratching. Not anymore. The President will have to do anything old school at his own peril while hugely risking his last shot to leave a worthwhile legacy. The Rajapaksas should be the least of President Wickremesinghe’s worries. Any help from him to them will only inflame janatha aragalaya for a new round of protests and a renewed demand for his resignation.

The Irony of History

Whether or not Ranil Wickremesinghe will succeed fully, partially or not at all as President, there is some irony of history in his having to deal with issues and challenges that can arguably be traced back to the 1978 Constitution and open economy created by JR Jayewardene, the current President’s elder kinsman and political patron. While the constitutional legacies have earned their due notoriety, there are also consequences from JRJ’s open economic policies which have a bearing on today’s calamitous context. For all the policy shortcomings and inefficient amassing of resources for the accelerated Mahaweli development program, the JRJ government did achieve impressive strides in food production with periodical self-sufficiency in rice. It took a real pygmy to destroy the country’s whole agricultural system by his insane organic fertilizer policy.

But in the other no less crucial areas of energy and fuel supply, today’s predicaments can be rippled back to the introduction of the open economy and its uneven application across different sectors. The champions of open economy and privatization targeted easy pickings (private buses, private schools, reprivatizing estates, privatizing state industrial corporations etc.) with great gusto, but did not dare tackle the vital sectors of electricity and petroleum in strategically decisive ways. They were left in state hands with targeted privatization around the fringes to benefit government cronies, who kept multiplying later under Rajapaksa patronage. These were also two areas where demand skyrocketed due to the unbridled expansion of consumption that became the main feature and driver of the open economy. Demand and import requirements kept increasing while capacity stagnated and even shrank.

The saga of the petroleum industry from pre-nationalization to nationalization, selective privatization thereafter, and the shift from CPC monopoly to CPC-LIOC duopoly, would be a crucial case-study backdrop to the current fuel crisis. That President Ranil Wickremesinghe now has to deal with the fuel crisis intelligently and urgently to survive as President might be seen not merely as an irony of history, but also as poetic justice. In any event, he can only deal with the surface problems of supply and distribution, which alone would be quite a challenge to his administration.

Anything deeper or major restructuring of the electricity and petroleum industries will be beyond the capacity of the Wickremesinghe administration. False optimisms are totally inappropriate in crisis times. The same caution should apply to the IMF negotiations and their intended outcomes. IMF talks take time and sustained effort as anyone following the IMF-Pakistan talks that have been going on from 2019 will know.

The President’s biggest worry and number one priority should be to effectively organize the supply and distribution of essentials in an orderly manner. The IMF talks and funding facilities are obviously important as well, but their technical details and results have no resonance for the streets. At the political level, the overarching insistence is about systemic change involving constitutional reform and including the abolishing of the system of elected executive presidency. The new President would do well to pick his priorities and deliver solidly on even a few of them rather than chasing everything fanciful and delivering nothing. He should desist from creating impressions that everything is going to be fixed because he is President at last.

(Next Week: The Vote in Parliament and the People at Large)



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Buddhist Approach to Human Challenges

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Life, by its very nature, invariably presents a myriad of challenges that are fundamental to the human experience. The various social ills that afflict humanity cannot be understood without recognizing the profound human dynamics at play. Navigating these challenges according to Buddhism involves shifting from attempting to control external circumstances to mastering one’s internal responses. Central to these challenges are certain detrimental drives stemming from pernicious distortions in the functioning of the human mind.

According to Buddhism, human suffering—both on a personal and societal level—arises from three unwholesome roots: greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. These roots manifest primarily as the unbridled proliferation of these negative states, serving as the foundation for our conduct. The Buddhist perspective offers profound insights for confronting these difficulties by emphasizing the nature of suffering, known as dukkha. Buddhism teaches that suffering (dukkha) is an inevitable part of life and is fueled by greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. This approach promotes mental transformation through mindfulness, ethical living, and the cultivation of wisdom, empowering individuals to confront their struggles with clarity and resilience.

Furthermore, accepting that suffering and difficulty are inherent parts of the human experience—while expecting life to be free of challenges—is, in itself, a cause of suffering. It is also important to recognize that all situations, whether good or bad, are temporary. This understanding helps reduce anxiety when facing difficult times, as these will eventually pass, and it prevents possessiveness during happy moments. Cultivating mindfulness (sati) and living in the present moment without dwelling on the past or worrying about the future is essential.

Understanding that all things—emotions, situations, relationships, and physical bodies—are constantly changing and in a state of flux helps reduce the fear of loss and provides comfort during difficult times, ensuring that we know pain will pass. Moreover, recognizing that the self, or ego, is not a fixed entity minimizes selfish grasping, arrogance, and the tendency to perceive challenges as personal attacks.

At the core of many human challenges lie the three unwholesome mental qualities identified by Buddhism: greed (raga), hatred (dovesa), and ignorance or delusion (avijja or moha). These states of mind serve as obstacles to spiritual progress and underlie a spectrum of harmful thoughts and actions. The Buddha employed powerful metaphors to illustrate these forces, referring to them as the three poisons or fires that ignite suffering and trap beings in the cycle of samsara.

Greed leads to insatiable desires that obscure our awareness of others’ needs, creating a cycle of frustration. Greed encompasses all forms of appetite, such as desire, lust, craving, and longing, manifesting in both physical and mental forms. It embodies the concept of grasping, leading to clinging and an inability to let go. As an unwholesome mental state, greed can become insatiable and inexhaustible. People are often drawn to pleasant things, and no amount of forms, sounds, smells, tastes, tangibles, or mental objects can satisfy their desires. In their intense thirst for possession or gratification of desire, individuals may become trapped in the wheel of samsara, overlooking the needs of marginalized groups based on religion and ethnicity (as noted by Piyadassi Thera). Those who overcome greed realize that all mundane pleasures are fleeting and transient. In a society driven by consumerism, people may find themselves endlessly chasing after things of little value, becoming enslaved by them.

Hatred is another unwholesome mental state that fosters division and conflict, distancing us from genuine relationships. It encompasses unwholesome mental states such as ill will, enmity, hostility, and prejudice. Hatred can be subtle, lying dormant in a person’s mind until it finds expression in unexpected moments. This destructive emotion can degenerate into mass-scale violence and bloodshed within society. Today, hatred and hostility against minorities based on religion and ethnicity are prevalent in many countries. People are often targeted by bigotry and hate, leading to a rise in antagonistic and derogatory behavior toward certain religious and ethnic groups. Hatred, enmity, and retaliation do not foster spiritual well-being; rather, they vitiate our own minds. Buddhists are encouraged to cultivate metta (loving-kindness). Greed and hatred, coupled with ignorance, are the chief causes of the evils that pervade this deluded world. As noted by Narada, “The enemy of the whole world is lust (greed), through which all evils come to living beings. This lust, when obstructed by some cause, transforms into wrath.”

The most profound of these afflictions, ignorance (avijja) or delusion (moha), clouds our judgment and obscures our capacity for understanding, causing us to harm ourselves and others through misguided actions. Addressing bhikkhus, the Buddha declared, ” I do not perceive any single hindrance other than the hindrance of ignorance by which mankind is obstructed, and for so long as in samsara, it is indeed through the hindrance of ignorance that humankind is obstructed and for a long time runs on, wanders in samsara. No other single thing exists like the hindrance of ignorance or delusion, which obstructs humankind and make wander forever. This unwholesome mindset generates negative speech, actions, and thoughts, perpetuating our own suffering. As stated in the Dhammapada, “All mental phenomena have mind as their forerunner; if one speaks or acts with an evil mind, suffering follows.”

Buddhism urges us to go beyond merely addressing the symptoms of our problems. Instead, it invites us to explore the roots of our suffering and examine how greed, hatred, and ignorance manifest in our lives. By uncovering these sources of distress, we can cultivate essential qualities such as compassion, loving-kindness (metta), and acceptance. These virtues are crucial for ethical engagement with significant societal issues, including environmental challenges and social inequality.

In a world marked by material prosperity and emotional chaos, many individuals may feel lost or overwhelmed. The teachings of the Buddha remain relevant today, reminding us that the origins of our struggles often reside within our own minds. By practising ethical self-discipline and steering clear of destructive emotions like jealousy, anger, and arrogance, we can transform our experiences and relationships.

Buddhism teaches that cultivating wholesome mental qualities is essential for spiritual advancement. The positive counterparts to the three unwholesome states are non-greed (alobha), non-hatred (adosa), and non-delusion (amoha). These virtues represent not merely the absence of negativity but also the active presence of beneficial qualities such as generosity (dana), loving kindness (metta), and wisdom (panna). Each of these six mental states serves as a foundation for both personal growth and societal harmony.

Human beings are often tempted by moral transgressions rooted in unwholesome qualities. Actions driven by greed, hatred and ignorance require wisdom and mindful awareness to overcome them, allowing us to see the interconnectedness of all beings and act accordingly.

As we strive to abandon these unwholesome states of mind and cultivate awareness, we contribute positively to our lives and the broader world. By embracing Buddhist teachings, we learn that transforming our minds can significantly impact our experiences and the lives of those around us. Through this mindful practice, we can aspire to create a more compassionate, harmonious existence, transcending the limitations of unwholesome mental states and fostering a deeper connection with ourselves and others.

by Dr. Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

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How does the Buddha differ?

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Buddhism, perhaps, is not a religion if the definition of religion is strictly applied. However, by an extension of that definition, as well as by consensus, Buddhism is considered a religion and is the fourth largest religion with about half a billion followers worldwide. Of the four great religions in the world, Christianity is still way ahead with 2.6 billion adherents, followed by Islam with 1.9 billion and Hinduism with 1.2 billion followers. In most Western Christian countries church attendances are on the decline whilst the numbers following Islam are increasing with Islamic youth displaying signs of increasing religious ardour. There are recent reports that Buddhism has also joined the ranks of shrinking religions. Is this cause for concern? Is this happening by the very nature of Buddhism?

Hinduism, the world’s oldest living religion rooted in the Indus Valley Civilization and dating back at least four millennia, is considered to have evolved from ancient cultural and religious practices than being founded by a single individual, unlike the other three religions. The Buddha differs from Jesus Christ and Prophet Mohammed in many ways, the most important being that there is no higher power involved in what the Buddha discovered.

Jesus Christ is considered the ‘Son of God’ and Christianity is built on the life, resurrection and teachings of Christ with emphasis on the belief in one God expressed through the Trinity: God the Father, Jesus the Son and the Holy Spirit. Therefore, there is no room for questioning the words of the Almighty passed through the Son.

Islam, with its Five Pillars of faith, frequent daily prayers, charity, fasting during Ramadan and pilgrimage to Mecca, is founded on revelations made by Almighty God, Allah, to Mohammed, the last of his Prophets, which are recorded in verse in the Holy Book, Quran. Muslims consider the Quran to be verbatim words of God and the unaltered, final revelation. This leaves even less room for questioning.

In contrast, the Buddha achieved everything by himself with no help from any higher source. Rebelling against some of the practices in the religion to which he was born and seeking a solution to the ever-pervading sense of dissatisfaction, Prince Siddhartha embarked on a journey of discovery that culminated in Enlightenment, under the Bodhi tree on the full moon day of the month of Vesak.

Hinduism, or Sanatana Dharma as traditionally referred to by followers, encompasses the concepts of Karma, Samsara, Moksha and Dharma with a creator Brahma, preserver Vishnu and destroyer Shiva. In addition, there are multitudes of gods serving various functions and there are ritual practices of Puja (worship), Bhakti (devotion), Yajna (sacrificial rites) in addition to meditation and Yoga. The one thing that has blighted Hinduism, on top of sacrifices, is the caste system. The uncompromising attitude of Brahmins led to the formation Sikhism as well, long after the establishment of Buddhism.

Prince Siddhartha studied under eminent teachers of the day, of which there were many, but realised the limitations of their knowledge. Having already given up the extreme of luxury, he went to the other extreme of self-deprivation which after a search for six years, he realised also was not the solution to the problem. Exploring through his mind he realised the truth and came up with the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path. He shunned extremes and proposed the Middle Path which seems to hold sway in many spheres of life, even today.

Buddha’s greatest achievement was the analysis of the mind and scientists are only now establishing the accuracy of the concepts the Buddha elucidated, not with the help of supernatural powers or sophisticated machinery at the disposal of modern-day scientists but by the exploration of the mind by turning the searchlight inwards.

Having discovered the cause of universal dissatisfaction and the path to overcome it, the Buddha walked across vast swathes of India, most likely barefoot, preaching to many, in terms they could understand, as evidenced by the different suttas illustrating the same fact in different ways; to the intelligent it was a short explanation but for others it was a more detailed discussion.

In sharp contrast to all other religious leaders, the Buddha encouraged discussion and challenge before acceptance. What the Buddha stated in the Kalama Sutta, acceptance only after conviction, laid the foundation for scientific thinking.

The Buddha, being a human not supernatural, never claimed infallibility as evidenced by his agreement with his father King Suddhodana that ordaining his son Rahula without permission was a mistake and took steps to ensure that this did not happen again. In fact, the entire Vinaya Pitaka is not an arbitrary rule book laid down by the Buddha, but are the rules the Buddha laid down for the Sangha, based on errant actions by Bhikkhus. Long before the legal concept of retroactive justice was established, the Buddha implemented it in the Vinaya Pitaka.

In an interesting video on YouTube titled “Nature of Buddhism”, Bhante Dhammika of Australia (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KY8WfGJq2FI) discusses some unique aspects of Buddhism. Some religions are ‘high demand’ religions where the followers are required to strictly adhere to certain rules which is not the case in Buddhism and he opines that this has led to the gentleness of Buddhists, at times leading to even being lackadaisical! Interestingly, as a widely travelled person, he describes his personal experience of the change of people’s attitudes on going from places with Buddhist influence to others. Speaking of Sri Lanka, where he spent many years, he commends the traditional hospitality as well as lack of cruelty to animals. He refers to “Law based religions” where some things are compulsory whereas in Buddhism there is no compulsion. Buddha was not a lawgiver but recommended good behaviour, giving reasons why and encouraged thinking. Some religions are exclusivist, claiming that there is nothing in other religions. Buddhism is not and Bhante Dhammika refers to an incident where the Buddha encouraged a disciple who converted from Jainism to continue to give alms to his former Jain colleagues.

Have all these strengths of Buddhism become its weakness and the reason for the shrinking number of followers? Had Buddhism demanded more from followers would it have flourished better? Is the numbers game that important? These are interesting questions to ponder over and I am sure, in time, researchers would write theses on these.

Whilst total numbers may diminish in traditional Buddhist areas, more people in the West are recognising the value of the philosophy of Buddhism. Mindfulness, a concept the Buddha introduced is gaining wide acceptance and is increasingly applied in many spheres of modern life. Perhaps, what is important is not the numbers that practise Buddhism as a religion but the lasting influence of the Buddha’s concepts and foundations he laid for modern scientific thinking and analysis of the mind!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Political violence stalking Trump administration

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A scene that unfolded during the shooting incident at the recent White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington. (BBC)

It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.

However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.

Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.

The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.

A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.

We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.

By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.

Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.

In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’

It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.

Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.

However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’

It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.

Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.

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