Features
Pointers for our foreign policy in the coming new world
“The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters”
Antonio Gramsci, (around 1930).
Reflection on W.B.Yeats poetry, composed in the immediate aftermath of World War I, during the Russian Revolution, and amid the Irish War of Independence:
“Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world…
…And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born.” (The Second Coming, 1919).
This mood of apocalypse hangs over the world today, more than two months since the start of the US/Israel war against Iran, with no end in sight. Leaders speak of the old world order as “ruptured” ( Canadian Prime Minister at Davos), “bent” or “gone for good”(WTO Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala), so how should small developing countries navigate in the new era without the old framework of globalization, free trade, a rules based international order, reliance on UN led multilateralism?
The Canadian Prime Minister called for the middle powers to come together to offer an alternative global leadership, different coalitions for different issues based on common values and interests. Will this new global leadership benefit the developing countries? Despite the high rhetoric, we in Sri Lanka know that international human rights standards for instance, are applied selectively – Canada’s criticism of Sri Lanka’s conduct of its armed conflict has been coloured by their domestic politics where the Tamil migrant diaspora wields influence.
By contrast, the view from Beijing, which is receiving many high level visits these days, offers a more equitable stance on multilateralism emphasizing that developing countries should prioritize the right to economic development over civil and political liberties. Taking the lead, China has recently offered to remove tariffs on almost all African exports.
Some argue we should look to the past for guidance when Sri Lanka diplomacy “punched above our weight”. Yet, what is the relevance of discussing Sri Lanka’s leadership in the UN Law of the Sea Conference and on initiatives like IOPZ (Indian Ocean Peace Zone) when on March 4, a US nuclear submarine sank the Iranian Navy frigate IRIS Dena with a torpedo off our coast, causing over 100 deaths and leaving Sri Lanka to conduct a humanitarian operation search and rescue in the aftermath . In April, the US forces intercepted and fired upon the tanker Tifani carrying 300,000 tons of crude oil in the high seas, some 700 km south east of Sri Lanka. Where is the hope, let alone the guarantee of freedom of the high seas inscribed in UNCLOS art.87?
Why theorize endlessly over non-alignment and neutrality? As far back as 1956, SWRD Bandaranaike, the first Sri Lankan Prime Minister to address the UN General Assembly, suggested standards which still stand: “friendship towards all, enmity towards none,” and “dynamic neutralism,” advocating moral force over military power, peace, anti-colonialism and sovereignty.
NAM is still relevant as we see a less known principle being tested today in the Gulf countries which had hitherto sheltered under the US security umbrella. This NAM principle prohibits the joining of regional security arrangements and the stationing of foreign troops or foreign bases on your soil. Thus in 1957 the Sri Lanka government had abrogated the 1947 United Kingdom–Ceylon Defence Agreement, which had granted Britain access to military facilities including air and naval bases at Trincomalee, Katunayake (RAF Negombo), and Batticaloa. Some argue that Sri Lanka missed the opportunity to join ASEAN at its founding but at the time our leaders saw it as a regional security pact which targeted China.
Today, the stationing of foreign military personnel comes under the guise of the donation of defence equipment and needs for training/maintenance. Remember the controversy which broke recently over the Dornier aircraft project in the Maldives where some 67 foreign military personnel had to be recalled and replaced by technical personnel. Sri Lanka also has a Dornier project but how many foreign military personnel are attached and for how long, is not known, since recent bilateral defence agreements with India are shrouded in secrecy. Is it not preferable to try to build some consensus in Parliament with the Opposition on such vital agreements instead of secrecy which only builds suspicion and resentment of the Big Neighbour?
Foreign policy making in any integrated far- sighted manner has been crippled by the never ending natural and man-made disasters that have hit this island, a 30-year armed conflict, a tsunami, covid, economic bankruptcy. Yet Sri Lanka has emerged from it all due to its national resilience systems and sustained cooperation with the international community. It has continued to provide examples on development, from its universal health and education systems to a unique experiment today to reduce the size of the Cabinet of Ministers. Thus Vijitha Herath is the first Foreign Minister to also head key Ministries of Foreign Employment and Tourism. This experiment where the aim is to curtail expenditure and simplify Ministerial lifestyles is welcomed by foreign donors. However the problem is that it comes at the cost of efficiency.
This style of government requires a frank admission of our diminished ability to project power abroad even as the economic crisis and domestic needs are shrinking our diplomatic footprint. A sign of this is that professional diplomats heading key posts in Paris, Berlin and Beijing are returning home at the end of their terms while new appointments, defying the diplomatic convention, are still awaited.
Under these circumstances, can we expect a far-sighted independent foreign policy to take shape? Should we not accept the alternative of flexible forms of cooperation to prevail, “bandwagoning” or “hedging” with states as and when the need arises.
Yet, going into this new era, one thing is certain, Sri Lanka must first move towards a stronger domestic economy and national self reliance. Facing the “largest energy crisis in history” (Fatih Birol ,the head of IEA (the International Energy Agency) , the prioritization of energy and food security, trade and finance arrangements reducing the foreign leverage that enables coercion, sustainable development to face the global climate crisis, has to come to the forefront of domestic policy making , which will shape foreign policy.
In fact, some positive results have already emerged in Sri Lanka. On energy, the crisis in the Gulf has led the government to take action to reduce dependence on costly fossil fuels and harness natural resources such as the renewables, hydro, wind and solar. Finally the government has taken the policy decision to move on storage, commissioning the 12 new battery storage BESS projects with a domestic firm. This may lead to decentralizing the power grid and sharing of power within the country, enhancing energy self sufficiency without looking to foreign firms to build huge power plants and costly plans for electricity sharing through building a grid or under sea pipelines with the Big Neighbour.
As vigils gather to remember the 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl disaster, the worst nuclear plant accident the world has known, another major policy decision should be applauded, this government’s refusal of the nuclear power plant offer by Russia, heeding our local scientists who warn that the risks far outweigh the advantages.
What of the plans for a Trinco oil hub? Sri Lanka certainly needs to make better use of the Trinco tank farm given the present limited fuel storage at Kolonnawa and Muthurajawela. Yet why is refurbishing more of the tanks being coupled with the costly building of an oil pipeline to India? Such a pipeline laid through sensitive marine environments runs the risk of either accidental or deliberate sabotage. Who will pay for such damage, jeopardizing our domestic fisheries and tourism with adverse impacts lasting several generations?
This line of thinking would be heresy to some who argue that our future lies in linking up with our nearest Big Neighbour under a “connectivity” agenda. But while remaining grateful to India’s quick support to our requests in times of humanitarian need, we must think clearly of our own national interest in any investment or cooperation partnership. Already Indian foreign investment is capturing Sri Lankan companies and strategic port assets from the Adani joint cooperation in the Colombo Port to the more recent take over of Colombo Dockyard by India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock.
Colombo Dockyard which was a regional player and has been building ships and yachts for Europe and earning dollars – will it be now reduced to repairing dredging vessels and being paid in Indian rupees? The currency exchange scheme with India apparently is still one way, that is Indians can pay Indian rupees for goods and services in Sri Lanka but it seems Sri Lankans cannot pay for goods and services in India with Sri Lankan rupees. Direct currency exchange agreements are useful when reciprocal, avoiding the costly intermediary of the US dollar, an example being the old Asian Currency Union where Sri Lanka is able to settle outstanding balances by the end of the month.
On trade, many have been calling for Sri Lanka to enter into more free trade agreements (FTA) to address the current crisis by boosting exports. While the search for new markets must continue and exporters should be supported by the government, should they not first look into whether existing FTAs are fulfilling their goals? The Indian FTA for example is often shown as a success because bilateral trade had grown by leaps and bounds since it came into operation in 2000. Yet closer examination has shown that 80% of bilateral trade with India is conducted outside the FTA apparently due to non-tariff barriers, customs and regulatory forces as well as the unavoidable block at the nearest point, the Tamil Nadu factor.
Does the final solution lie in our building consensus on domestic policy despite the inherited system of confrontational politics? Our Nordic friends once pointed to the seating in our parliament which pits the Government against the Opposition, in contrast with the Nordic tradition of seating members according to the regions to promote cooperation within the region and planning together for the future. In this context, the recent decision to appoint a leading member of the Opposition as head of the Cricket Board is welcome. The new Board will be tested by the legal challenges to building a cricket stadium for Jaffna on Nanditivu island. This should be re-located to save Nanditivu’s pristine environment, special biodiversity and people’s traditional livelihoods.
(Sarala Fernando retired from the Foreign Ministry as Additional Secretary, her last Ambassadorial appointment was as Permanent Representative to the UN and International Organizations in Geneva. Her Ph.D was on India-Sri Lanka relations and she writes now on foreign policy, public diplomacy and protection of heritage).
by Dr. Sarala Fernando
Features
Sri Lankan Airlines Airbus Scandal and the Death of Kapila Chandrasena and my Brother Rajeewa
The death of Mr Kapila Chandrasena (KC), the former CEO of SriLankan Airlines, caused quite a stir in the country. A few politicians, particularly from the opposition, tried to take advantage of the confusion surrounding his death, whilst social media went into a frenzy, with everyone having a theory as to the cause of death.
Even Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), the independent anti-corruption watchdog, issued a public statement urging the Government to ensure a full, transparent, and credible investigation into the circumstances surrounding Kapila Chandrasena’s (KC’s) death. TISL further emphasized that the Government bears a responsibility to protect the integrity of the judicial process and to ensure that individuals connected to high-profile investigations are able to participate in proceedings in a safe and secure environment.
While such concerns are understandable, I strongly believe that it is necessary to await the findings of the magisterial inquiry before reaching conclusions regarding the cause of death. To speculate irresponsibly, particularly to fit pre-existing political beliefs, is unfair not only to the deceased but also to his grieving family and loved ones.
First and foremost, I wish to convey my sincere condolences to the family of KC. I understand personally the trauma and anguish associated with losing a loved one unexpectedly and under tragic circumstances.
My brother’s death
Unfortunately, the death of KC also resulted in renewed interest in the death of my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, in June 2020. Some individuals on social media attempted to link his death to the newspaper article he published on the Airbus scandal involving SriLankan Airlines, KC and his wife.
Some people even circulated photographs of my brother’s body at the site of the incident across social media platforms. This was deeply insensitive and extremely distressing to my sisters and me. The loss of a sibling under tragic circumstances is something from which one never fully recovers. It took our family years to come to terms with his passing, and to have those painful images resurfaced in connection with an entirely unrelated event reopened old wounds unnecessarily.
On behalf of my sisters and myself, I wish to state unequivocally that my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, took his own life in June 2020 due to personal circumstances. His death had absolutely no connection whatsoever to his writings regarding the Airbus scandal. Neither the Rajapaksas, nor any political actor, nor any state agency was involved in his death. The magisterial inquiry into the matter returned a verdict of suicide.
Those who know me personally are aware of my forthright and combative nature. Had there been even the slightest credible suspicion surrounding my brother’s death, I would never have rested until justice was pursued. Since this was clearly established as a case of suicide, I sincerely hope that those who continue to circulate unfounded theories will finally allow the matter to rest with dignity.
The Sri Lankan Airbus scandal
The alleged payment of a USD 2 million bribe by Airbus SE to a shell company established in Brunei by the wife of a senior SriLankan Airlines official came to light following the approval of a Deferred Prosecution Agreement (DPA) between the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and Airbus SE.
The DPA was approved on January 31, 2020 by Dame Victoria Sharp, President of the Queen’s Bench Division, sitting at the Crown Court in Southwark. The award represented one of the largest global anti-corruption settlements in modern corporate history.
The Airbus investigation by the SFO extended far beyond Sri Lanka. It involved allegations of bribery and corrupt practices linked to aircraft purchases by AirAsia and AirAsia X in Malaysia, SriLankan Airlines, TransAsia Airways in Taiwan, PT Garuda Indonesia, Citilink Indonesia, and military aircraft transactions involving the Government of Ghana.
The approved judgment contained specific references to the SriLankan Airlines transaction (page 12, points 41 to 44). It alleged that Airbus employees, contrary to Section 7 of the UK Bribery Act 2010, failed to prevent bribery involving individuals connected to the airline’s aircraft procurement process between July 2011 and June 2015.
According to the Statement of Facts, Airbus engaged the wife of an individual connected to the aircraft acquisition process through a shell entity described as “Company Intermediary 1”. Airbus employees allegedly offered up to USD 16.84 million in commissions in relation to SriLankan Airlines’ purchase of ten Airbus aircraft and the lease of four additional aircraft. Ultimately, only USD 2 million was allegedly paid.
The judgment further stated that Airbus employees sought to disguise the identity of the beneficial owner behind the intermediary company and misled the United Kingdom Export Finance Agency (UKEF) regarding the intermediary’s qualifications, aviation experience, and role in the transaction.
The smoking gun from Sri Lanka that commenced the UK SFO investigation
The matter became particularly significant because it was the concerns raised by UKEF regarding the SriLankan Airlines intermediary that ultimately triggered the wider SFO investigation into Airbus. UKEF questioned why an individual with little aviation experience and who was domiciled outside Sri Lanka had been engaged as a business partner in such a major transaction.
Airbus reportedly provided misleading and inaccurate responses to those concerns in February 2015. Unsatisfied with the explanations provided, UKEF escalated the matter, which subsequently contributed to the formal investigation launched by the SFO in July 2016.
Ironically, what appears to have been a poorly concealed and amateurishly structured bribe involving SriLankan Airlines ultimately became one of the catalysts for a global corruption investigation that resulted in Airbus paying penalties approaching EUR 4 billion across the United Kingdom, France, and the United States.
Under the settlement approved in the UK, Airbus agreed to pay approximately EUR 991 million into the UK Consolidated Fund, including disgorgement of profits and financial penalties. Simultaneously, French and American authorities imposed additional penalties amounting to nearly EUR 3 billion.
Aircraft procurement and corruption
The Airbus matter once again highlighted a longstanding global reality: aircraft procurement has historically been highly vulnerable to corruption. The purchase of aircraft involves enormous financial values, complex financing arrangements, confidential negotiations, intermediaries, export credit agencies, and political influence. These factors create conditions for improper payments and abuse of authority.
Globally, there have been numerous allegations over several decades involving commissions, hidden intermediaries, and questionable consultancy agreements linked to aircraft purchases by both commercial airlines and governments. It is generally believed that the average commissions paid are between 3% to 5% of the order value.
The cost to Sri Lankan taxpayers
One of the most undesirable aspects of the Airbus affair is the financial burden ultimately borne by ordinary Sri Lankan taxpayers.
In 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka decided to cancel the order for four Airbus A350 aircraft as they were deemed unsuitable. As a consequence of that cancellation, SriLankan Airlines incurred penalties estimated at approximately USD 140 million, equivalent to roughly Rs. 19.2 billion at the time.
While Sri Lankan taxpayers absorbed these enormous losses, the United Kingdom taxpayers benefited financially from the Airbus settlement. The UK Consolidated Fund received almost EUR 1 billion arising from the penalties imposed on Airbus.
The contrast is stark. Sri Lanka suffered substantial financial losses as a result of a transaction tainted by allegations of corruption, while foreign governments received the benefit of the resulting fines and penalties.
The questions raised by my brother
My late brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, wrote an article about the Airbus scandal in an article published in the Sunday Island on February 16, 2020, titled “SriLankan Airlines Airbus Deal”. In the article, he referred to a SriLankan Airlines Board meeting held on October 27, 2016.
According to his article, Board Minute 7.3 dealt specifically with reports that Airbus was under investigation in Europe for bribery-related offences. Rajan Brito, who was then a director of the airline, reportedly informed fellow board members about the investigations and tabled draft letters intended for Airbus, Rolls-Royce, and AerCap.
Those draft letters reportedly suggested that the aircraft transactions may not have been based solely on commercial considerations and sought information regarding the role of facilitators and intermediaries.
However, according to my brother’s article, Brito’s proposal to send those letters was reportedly ignored on the basis that the airline was negotiating favourable terms to cancel aircraft purchase commitments and that sending such letters might sour relations and disadvantage the airline.
However, my brother believed that the decision not to proceed with Brito’s letters was controversial and highly questionable, and that the airline could have sought the assistance of the PNF (Parquet National Financier) to investigate the deal and seek financial restitution, given that the order was allegedly tainted by corruption, particularly given the emerging evidence of corruption surrounding the transaction.
Even today, an important question remains unanswered: did the Government of Sri Lanka or any subsequent board of SriLankan Airlines seriously attempt to recover the USD 140 million cancellation penalty, along with any inflated amounts paid after the global corruption findings against Airbus became public?
The slow pace of Sri Lankan justice
Following the public release of the UK judgment on January 31, 2020, Sri Lankan authorities moved relatively quickly to initiate legal proceedings against KC and his wife.
On February 4, 2020, arrest warrants were reportedly sought. On February 6, 2020, KC and his wife surrendered to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and were remanded until March 4, 2020, when they were released on bail.
The allegations reportedly related to accepting a USD 2 million bribe and engaging in money laundering activities. Press reports also indicated that travel restrictions had been imposed.
However, six years later, the matter still appears unresolved. Based on publicly available information, indictments were reportedly filed before the Colombo High Court in 2022. Since then, several hearings dealing with procedural and preliminary issues have reportedly taken place, but the substantive trial itself has yet to properly commence. With KC now deceased and reports suggesting that his wife may have absconded, the prospects of successfully prosecuting the matter appear increasingly uncertain.
Many Sri Lankans understandably feel frustrated by the slow pace at which corruption-related cases proceed through the judicial system. This frustration is particularly acute where allegations involve politically connected individuals or transactions involving massive losses to the public.
The public perception is that investigations move slowly, prosecutions are delayed for years, and accountability is often ultimately avoided through procedural delays, political changes, or the passage of time.
To be fair, corruption cases involving international financial transactions are inherently complex. They require cooperation between multiple jurisdictions, access to banking records, mutual legal assistance processes, forensic accounting, and substantial documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the extraordinary delays contribute to growing public cynicism regarding the administration of justice.
It is also worth noting that the UK proceedings against Airbus did not publicly identify KC by name. Much of the public discussion in Sri Lanka has therefore relied on local investigations and media reporting rather than the UK judgment itself.
According to information available in the public domain, the alleged funds connected to the USD 2 million payment ultimately found their way into an Australian bank account linked to KC. Given the reputation of Australian authorities for cooperating with international law enforcement investigations, many members of the public expected a faster and more decisive legal process in Sri Lanka.
In that context, a detailed public explanation by the Attorney General’s Department regarding the legal and evidentiary challenges affecting the case may help improve public understanding and confidence.
SriLankan Airlines: A continuing national burden
The Airbus controversy cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader failures surrounding SriLankan Airlines over several decades.
The national carrier has accumulated debts estimated at approximately USD 1.2 billion, equivalent to nearly Rs. 350 billion. This translates to a burden of roughly Rs. 16,000 per Sri Lankan citizen, including millions who have never travelled on the airline.
Successive governments have interfered extensively in the airline’s operations. Political appointments, weak governance, lack of commercial discipline, and poor strategic decision-making have contributed significantly to the airline’s decline.
Far too often, individuals lacking meaningful aviation expertise have been appointed to key board and management positions. Political loyalty has frequently taken precedence over competence and experience.
The decision to terminate the management and ownership partnership with Emirates remains one of the most controversial episodes in the airline’s history. Many industry observers believe that decision alone cost Sri Lanka billions of rupees in lost opportunities and operational deterioration.
Despite repeated financial losses and mounting taxpayer burdens, very few individuals have ever been held accountable for the disastrous decisions that contributed to the airline’s decline.
The current Government faces an unavoidable reality. SriLankan Airlines cannot continue indefinitely as a financially unsustainable state enterprise funded by taxpayers already struggling under severe economic hardship. Decisions regarding the future of the airline must be guided by commercial reality rather than political ideology or emotional nationalism.
Ultimately, the Airbus scandal is not merely about one individual or one alleged bribe. It reflects deeper structural weaknesses involving governance, political interference, accountability, and institutional failure within Sri Lanka.
Sadly, a relatively young man has now lost his life amidst these events and controversies. Regardless of the allegations against him, that remains a human tragedy. At the same time, the country must continue to demand transparency, accountability, and institutional reform so that such scandals are never repeated.
(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
Features
High stakes and hidden hands: Navigating the maze of electronic financial fraud
Electronic or digital financial fraud is the current, extremely distasteful description of a blight that has hit the entire globe; a menace that is perpetrated through an unbelievable labyrinth of interconnected dishonourable and nasty manoeuvres. In an era where our financial lives are increasingly becoming digital, the “perfect financial crime” no longer requires a getaway car. It just needs a high-speed internet connection and stupendously brilliant, depraved and Machiavellian minds.
Modern scams have advanced far beyond the poorly spelt emails of the past. They are now extremely sophisticated operations exploiting psychological manipulation and deep-fake technology. Financial fraud has evolved from simple street-level deception into a complex, multi-billion-dollar industry. It has been manipulated through many different currencies in different parts of the world. In Sri Lanka, the landscape of scams has shifted from traditional “pyramid” schemes to sophisticated digital heists and institutional bond scandals that threaten the very fabric of our national economy. From an international outlook, financial fraud is becoming increasingly transnational. Sri Lanka is currently under intense scrutiny by the FATF (Financial Action Task Force). Sri Lanka falling onto the “Grey List” again would have severe repercussions, potentially causing international banks to suspend payments to the island, severely upsetting our exporters.
The financial fraud profile of Sri Lanka has gone from “Bonds” to “Glitches”. Our country has been rocked by high-profile financial irregularities that serve as a stark warning about institutional integrity. First was the Treasury Bond Scandal. Often cited as the largest financial scam in the nation’s history, the Central Bank bond issuance of 2015 highlighted the risks of Insider Trading and the manipulation of government securities. The fallout cost the public billions of rupees, demonstrating how high-level collusion can bypass traditional safeguards.
The recent problem where the Treasury remitted a very large amount of foreign currency to a different portal to which money should not have been sent is a special type of Financial Fraud problem that seems to have been instigated by a deceptive email. It is under investigation at present, and it appears that it is the money that had been earmarked for foreign debt reconciliation. It is the taxpayers’ money that has been allowed to be swindled by unscrupulous crooks.
Then there is the National Development Bank (NDB) “Glitch” Controversy.
The entire banking sector was shaken to its roots by reports of a massive multi-billion-rupee fraud at the NDB. This incident, often referred to in local circles as “The Glitch,” involved the alleged diversion of funds through a sophisticated manipulation of the bank’s internal accounting systems.
Then there are the perceived Guardians, who often serve as Whistleblowers. The fight against such deep-seated corruption rarely begins with a regulator; it often starts with an individual. It is just someone who smells a rat. Maya Senanayake, a forensic expert at NDB, has emerged as a symbol of integrity in this landscape by identifying anomalies that others chose to ignore. Whistleblowers like Senanayake face immense personal and professional risks. Their role is a “Herculean effort”, very often battling institutional stonewalling to bring the truth to light. Without such individuals, “Suspense Account” spikes and “shell-company diversions” would remain invisible to the public eye.
Having mentioned just two of the buzz phrases in circulation, given in Italics above, it is pertinent to provide definitions for some of these phrases that are being bandied about very frequently in articles on the main subject of this article.
· SCAM – It is a fraudulent scheme or deceptive act performed by an individual or group to trick a victim into giving up something of value, typically money, personal information, or assets. It is a blatant lie or a misrepresentation of the truth. Unlike theft (where something is taken by force), a scam usually involves the victim “willingly” handing over assets because they believe the fraudster’s story. Scams often rely on psychological manipulation, such as creating a sense of urgency, fear, or the promise of a “too good to be true” reward.
· HACKERS –
The term has evolved significantly and carries different meanings depending on the context. In the broadest sense, a hacker is someone who uses technical skills to overcome a problem or bypass a system’s limitations. The cybersecurity industry generally classifies hackers by their intent, often using a “hat” colour system.
The White Hat Hackers are an ethical group that is hired to detect vulnerabilities. They are legal and helpful as they improve security by reporting bugs.
The Black Hat Group are cybercriminals who break into systems illegally. They are malicious, steal data, plant malware, or disrupt services.
The Grey Hats Individuals who may break laws to access a system, but without malicious intent. They are individuals who might find a bug without permission and then offer to fix it for a fee.
· MONEY LAUNDERING – It is the process of “cleaning” illicitly-earned money by passing it through complex bank transfers or commercial transactions.
· TREASURY BOND –
A government debt security that provides a fixed interest rate. Manipulating these affects the nation’s debt and interest rates.
· WHISTLEBLOWER –
It is an “insider” who reports and even makes public, concealment of illegal or unethical activities within an organisation to the public or relevant authorities.
· SUSPENSE ACCOUNT –
A temporary account used to hold funds while their final destination is determined. These are frequently used in fraud to “hide” money during transfers.
· SHELL COMPANY –
No., NO…, it is not the Shell Company that deals with fuel. This terminology refers to a company that exists only on paper and has no active business operations. It is very frequently used to obscure the identity of those moving money. They become “Ghosts”.
· FORENSIC AUDIT –
An examination of financial records to find evidence that can be used in a court of law or for legal proceedings.
When one examines some of these frauds and scams, it becomes clear that at the bottom of the distasteful occurrences lie systemic inadequacies. Scrupulous attention to all details of financial transactions, trustworthy and fool-proof systems dealing with financial transactions, utmost vigilance and a very high degree of suspicion are the incontrovertible needs of the hour. The powers-that-be in all things that deal with financial transactions must consist of people with unblemished honesty, unbridled integrity and honour.
International best practices now emphasise a shift from “rules-based” to “risk-based” oversight, even going to the extent of utilising Artificial Intelligence (AI) to detect suspicious patterns in money laundering and financial fraud that a human eye might miss.
For individuals and the general public, the Three Golden Rules for Protection are as follows”
· Demand Transparency:
Whether you are an investor or a depositor, always ask for the audited financial statements of the institution.
· Verify the Chain:
In government securities, ensure you are dealing through registered primary dealers.
· Support Protections:
Advocate for stronger Whistleblower Protection Acts to ensure that those who speak the truth are not penalised by the system they seek to save.
The trick is to protect ourselves from the Invisible Thief by protecting ourselves from Modern Scams. Here is a breakdown of the most prevalent threats today and how to safeguard your assets.
A. The “Urgent Authority” Tactic
Scammers often impersonate trusted institutions such as banks, financial institutions, tax offices, or law enforcement. They create a sense of artificial urgency, claiming your account has been compromised or you owe an immediate fine.
· The Red Flag: Any request to move money to a “safe account” or pay via untraceable methods like gift cards or cryptocurrency.
· The Defence:
Hang up immediately or delete the message if it is on email. Contact the institution using a verified phone number from their official website or the back of your bank card to check the veracity of the request.
B. Investment and “Get Rich Quick” Schemes
With the rise of digital assets, “pig butchering” scams have become rampant. Fraudsters build a relationship with the victim over weeks (the “fattening”) before suggesting a “guaranteed” investment opportunity in crypto or forex (the “slaughter”).
· The Red Flag: Returns that consistently outperform the market with “zero risk.”
· The Defence:
If an investment opportunity sounds “too good to be true”, it almost always is. Professional financial advisors do not solicit clients via WhatsApp or dating apps.
C. Phishing and Smishing (SMS Phishing)
These are deceptive messages designed to steal login credentials. You might receive a text stating a package delivery failed, or your Netflix subscription has lapsed, followed by a link to a “login” page that looks identical to the real thing.
· The Red Flag: Unusual URLs (e.g., wellsfarg0.net instead of wellsfargo.com) and unexpected attachments.
· The Defence:
Never click links in unsolicited messages. Use Multi-Factor Authentication (MFA) on all sensitive accounts; even if a thief gets your password, they won’t get the secondary code.
4. The AI Impersonation (The Grandparent Scam)
Advancements in AI voice cloning allow scammers to mimic the voice of a loved one in distress. They may call claiming to be in a car accident or legal trouble, begging for immediate funds.
· The Red Flag: High emotional pressure and a demand for secrecy.
· The Defence:
Establish a “family password” – a unique word or phrase only your inner circle knows. If the caller cannot provide it, they are not who they say they are.
The Three Golden Rules for Financial Safety are
· Slow Down and Do Not Get Frightened:
Scammers rely on panic. Taking five minutes to think or consult a friend usually breaks the spell of the scam. It is also important to realise that some scammers try repeatedly.
· Verify the Source:
Never trust Caller ID, as numbers can be easily “spoofed” to look local or official.
· Protect Your Data:
Be wary of how much personal information you share on social media. Scammers use these details to make their impersonations more convincing.
Your bank will NEVER EVER ask for your Personal Identification Number (PIN), your Account Password, One-Time-Password (OTP) or request you to transfer money to an entirely new, unknown account. If any such request comes, do not fall for it and immediately contact the institution through their standard publicised telephone lines to check on the veracity of the request.
If you suspect you have been targeted, report it to the bank or financial institution, your local authorities and the legal investigative portals…, IMMEDIATELY.
(Some of the material presented
in this article was extracted with the help of AI.)
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent free-lance correspondent.
Features
In Memory of Professor M S M Mookiah
The passing of Professor M S M Mookiah is a great loss to the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka and to all who knew him. He was a steadfast supporter of our mission of peacebuilding and our commitment to inclusion and justice for all communities. Since 2006 he has served loyally as a member of the NPC Governing Council and Board, bringing to our work the benefit of his long experience in public life and academia. He believed deeply in the possibility of healing divisions through dialogue and understanding. What gave him satisfaction was participation, service, and the opportunity to contribute to a better future.
Professor Mookiah was an alumnus of the University Peradeniya, a Commonwealth Scholar at the University of Wales, Institute of Science and Technology, Cardiff and returned to Peradeniya and served and Head Geography at the University of Peradeniya. Subsequently he served as Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Sri Lanka and later as a member of the Public Service Commission of Sri Lanka. He carried these responsibilities with dignity and humility. Even after retirement, there was nothing he enjoyed more than travelling to distant parts of the country to meet people and discuss the challenges of reconciliation and post war reconstruction. He believed strongly in dialogue, coexistence, and the possibility of building a more just society focusing on subjects such as Pluralism, Transitional Justice, Social Cohesion and Reconciliation.
His scholarly contributions were not merely academic but deeply rooted in social justice. He acted as a catalyst and inspiration for thousands of students, particularly helping students from Hill Country enter higher education. He mentored thousands of students and stood as a primary source of inspiration for students from Hill Country to break barriers and enter the sphere of higher education. He remained deeply loyal to the hill country where he was born and to the Malaiyaha Tamil community whose advancement he quietly supported throughout his life.
He understood the hardships faced by plantation families and the barriers confronting young people seeking higher education. One of his most meaningful contributions was the scholarship scheme he initiated in 2014 together with his brother Dr S. Kanapathyraja. Through the support of the Rotary Club of Carmarthen in Wales and later other well-wishers abroad, the scheme enabled university students from plantation communities to pursue higher education. It continues to this day and stands as a lasting part of his legacy.
Professor Mookiah was also a warm and gracious friend. He and his wife welcomed us into their home with generosity and kindness and shared the chocolates his sons brought when they visited from abroad. In later years he spent long periods with family in Switzerland, the United States, and India, where his ashes now lie. But his life’s work belongs to Sri Lanka, to its universities, to the students he inspired, to the communities he served, and to the cause of peace and reconciliation to which he remained committed throughout his life. His presence will remain with us at NPC in his work of peacebuilding, in the scholarship scheme he helped create, and in the memories of all who had the privilege of knowing him.
We offer our prayers for his soul to rest in peace and extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, and the thousands of students grieving this great loss.
By National Peace Council of Sri Lanka
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