Features

Peradeniya University in the Seventies

Published

3 years ago

2023/03/12

BY Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D.

Two recent articles shed much light on the Peradeniya University and the campus life in the fifties and sixties. If those were the glorious years of this fabled institution, the seventies can be considered as the decade it lost its innocence. That sounds ominous but rest assured that we the seventies generation of students did enjoy the campus life in our own way, just as our predecessors did, perhaps without the opulence.

Change is inevitable, but often it is not noticeable, especially when it is gradual. In comparison to the previous two decades, the changes of the seventies were anything but gradual and were out there for everyone to see. The song writers, novelists, and movie makers need not worry, the campus life they romanticized did continue unabated: The mist rolled down the Hantana range, trumpet flowers carpeted the grounds in April, and countless youthful heart strings got tangled as before. While the Mahaweli ran through the lush valley as it did for millennia, some transformative events took place in the backdrop and changed the campus life for many years to come.

I entered the Peradeniya University on October 4, 1969, in time to get a glimpse of the glorious era and witness it slip away under political, economic, and social calamities that burdened the entire country. At that time, there was considerable friction between the education community at large and the then Minister of Education (IMRA Iriyagolle) who was a medical student turned policeman, turned politician. It was generally believed that this minister’s actions were largely responsible for the fall of that government and the Bandaranaike coalition coming into power in 1970.

No doubt that the education circles, particularly the university community were optimistic, and they welcomed the new administration. We witnessed this cordiality when Professor K. N. Jayatilleka passed away just a month after the election: The prime minister casually walked into the senate building to pay last respects accompanied by the then IGP. No fanfare or fuss. I suspect that could have been the last time a political figure was able to walk through the Peradeniya campus without having to deploy a massive security. The goodwill did not last long, however.

When we entered, it was the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya as it has been since 1952. In 1972, when all universities were brought under the umbrella of University of Sri Lanka, it became the Peradeniya Campus. The Vice Chancellor Professor E.O.E. Pereira stepped down, and the position was replaced with a Campus President. The university crest was changed along with the motto to Vidya Dadathi Vinayam from the old Savasya Locanam Sasthrum. This was reversed in 1979 when it became the University of Peradeniya.

The centralization brought in several administrative changes that did not sit well with the campus community as it significantly impacted its autonomy. As I can remember, students had grievance against many changes that were dictated from Colombo, leading to frequent demonstrations and strikes. I doubt if there were any policy makers who had graduated form Peradeniya, or from a Sri Lankan university at that time, and that was the reason for lack of any meaningful dialogue. Furthermore, I doubt if the policymakers had any inclination to send their own children to the system either. No wonder that there was a sense of distrust on both sides and disinterest on part of the government.

The JVP was highly active in the campus at the time. The most visible signs were the meticulously painted slogans appearing overnight on pavements and on walls. The names of the residential halls were replaced with the names of some Russian revolutionary figures. Wijewardena hall became Bandaranaike Hall. In addition to the members only meetings the JVP leader held frequently, he conducted a series of lectures to packed audiences in the open-air theater. Many students attended out of curiosity.

There were rumors of preparations being made for an armed revolution, but I personally did not know anyone who took that seriously, at least until March 16, 1971. That day, we were attending an afternoon lecture when a massive explosion was heard. Running out of the theater, we could see a section of the roof of Mars Hall blown open and smoldering. Apparently, some bomb making materials that were hidden there had gone off. The army and police raided all the residential halls promptly, and a significant number of crude bombs and detonators were discovered. We considered this accident as a blessing in disguise. If not for that, the fate of the campus dwellers could have been very different during the events that followed.

A hike up the Hanthana and going to Sri Pada were two popular activities among the students. On Saturday April 3, 1971, about 15 of us, both men and women, went to Sri Pada. It was an impromptu event: take the evening train to Hatton, ride the CTB bus to Nallathanniya, and make the climb at night. See the sun rise in the morning and get back to campus the next night. It was a fun trip, an opportunity for camaraderie, having a good time, and taking a few pictures for the record if one had a camera. Romance was not ruled out; in fact, one couple got hitched on this trip.

That was my second year, and we did not get to stay in the residence halls at tat time. A friend and I were staying at a house in Getambe where the Mahanama school playground stands today. Arriving late and tired from the hike, we were going to sleep late, but our boarding master woke us up. During early morning on April 5, the JVP had attacked several police stations, a curfew had been declared, and we should leave for home ASAP, he told us.

Perhaps, he considered housing campus students a liability, with good reason. Hurriedly, we grabbed what we could and got to Peradeniya. There, we witnessed to our horror a few students being interrogated (read tortured) by the police. I managed to reach home the next day after spending the curfew night at a relative’s house in Colombo and taking a ride in the back of a lorry. However, many others were stranded as the roads were blocked at many places.

It was only after we returned to the campus months later that we learnt about their harrowing adventures. It had taken some students weeks or months to reach home, some spending time at detention camps or in hiding not knowing if they would get out alive. If we were delayed in getting back from Sri Pada on that night, our fate could have been very different. Our experiences may appear mere inconveniences compared to the events of the following decade, but that was the very first time the post-independence Sri Lanka saw the government unleashing its wrath upon its own youth.

When we returned after a three-month hiatus, it was a transformed campus. All the graffiti were gone, and the residential hall names were restored. Considering the extent of the student involvement in planning the uprising, only a small number of students failed to return. There was some evidence of violence in the campus. The blood stains resembling an injured person crawling into a room were found in a residential hall. There were several burnt patches along the road near the temple, and it was rumored that some bodies were set on fire there.

One major change after the revolt was an increase in controls over student life. Authorities, especially the law enforcement, did not look at the students favorably for a good reason. A night curfew was in place for some time. The police started patrolling the campus without being requested by campus authorities, thereby increasing the tension. Fortunately, the chief of police at Peradeniya who used to frequent the faculty club and had good relations with some of the staff, helped maintain some level of civility.

After the uprising in 1971, all students were given accommodation in campus residences. Hilda Obeysekera hall that had been a women’s residence since 1952, was converted to a men’s residence, and we were the fortunate first male occupants. Thanks to the legendary warden, Mrs. Mathiyaparanam, it had been so well maintained and looked like a three-star hotel. Manicured courtyards, clean and fully functioning bathrooms complete with bathtubs, full length mirrors, and bidets.

There were hilarious incidents reported in using this last item. Not to mention the laundry hampers in each room and the laundry service included in the hall fee. Meals were served at table complete with cutlery; food was excellent and was aplenty; and the waiting staff was there to refill the glass or the cup. It may have worked for women, but obviously, that opulence could not be maintained with young men. The sheer number of free loaders (gajaya) and the male appetite took its toll. To control the situation, a meal ticket system and rationing were introduced. Instead of dishes on the table to serve yourself from, plated food was served; but still a good portion of quality food; and seconds were available if needed.

Sri Lankan economy ran into trouble in 1974. With $ 2 billion in debt, the government could not afford to import enough food for the county’s 13 million people. Everyone had to make drastic changes, and the campus was not spared. With the food crisis that ensured, the meals at residential halls took a big hit. I recall a member of the kitchen staff saying that what we ate was of poorer quality than that of the scraps thrown away in the fifties.

The campus authorities tried their best by substituting rice with other staples, but it was not easy to stomach. To ease the situation, the immaculately maintained lawns were allowed to be cultivated, and many non-academic staff seized the opportunity. Even after the economy recovered somewhat and the food crisis eased, the quality of food in the campus continued to deteriorate and became a bone of contention. At one point, even the humble milk tea was stopped to be replaced with plain tea with a piece of jaggery, or something that resembled jaggery.

The heavy-handed management of the campuses by the Sirima Bandaranaike government caused continuous friction between the administration and students and staff alike. In November 1976, the university workers went on strike demanding some changes, which included the removal of the then Campus President. When the students decided to support the workers, the administration declared the campus closed.

Instead of leaving the campus, the students decided to stage a sit down around the senate building. A heavily armed police force of about 700 was brought in. On the morning of November 11, when the students were changing shifts, the police brutally attacked them with live bullets. Many were injured, girls were abused, and one student was shot dead. The memorial near the Jennings circle marks the spot where Weerasuriya fell mortally wounded. Even though a high-level investigation was conducted, no one was found guilty of murder. After Bandaranaike’s party was decimated at the election in 1977, campus politics took a new turn.

Along with the economic hardships, the campus upkeep also fell behind. The lack of or poor repairs contributed to the deterioration of the facilities. Once the underground power cable to the pumping station broke down and several residential halls went without water for many days. This happened during the middle of a final examination causing tremendous hardship. The addition of new books and journals to the libraries was drastically reduced. The abandoned cultivated plots turned the once elegant landscape into scrublands.

The palm trees that lined the old Galaha road bloomed signaling the end of their lives. Some thought that was an omen for more bad things to come. The only new building project I can think of was the new student center replacing the old canteen housed in the USO building, a leftover from the tea plantation days.

Thus, the seventies saw some of the notable moments of the transformative process of the campus. The luxuries of the fifties and sixties became a legend. There is no doubt that the students of the fifties would have looked upon us with pity. Young people are resilient, and we enjoyed the campus life in the seventies as much as they did in the fifties, in our own way. I am sure the fifties crowd would have never dreamed of this: After reading about a streaking incident during a cricket match in England, a bunch of guys ran naked in front of a girls’ residence hall after sunset.

Somehow, to their horror, the girls recognized them. Seeing this incident, the watcher on duty exclaimed “In the fifties, the gentlemen wore ties when they visited the ladies.” The ensuring stories circulated made our streakers’ lives a misery.

Despite the setbacks, we did our studies, learned the skills to make a living, made lifelong friendships, and some of us found our life partners. The film-soc, Wala, cultural performances, and social functions continued. In fact, it was one of the most enjoyable periods of my life. However, the thought comes if we could have done things differently.

My only regret is that we did not leave it the way the sixties people left it for us. Unfortunately, there were larger forces at work. However, there was one fifties-sixties inheritance that we could and should have done away with as a gift to the future generations: the inhumane, shameful, and utterly purposeless culture of ragging.

(The writer is a pharmaceutical consultant in the US)

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Features

The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

Published

14 hours ago

2026/04/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

Features

China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

Published

14 hours ago

2026/04/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

Image courtesy The Global Times

* The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

* Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

* Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

Features

Daughter in the spotlight …

Published

14 hours ago

2026/04/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.