Features
Opposition and politics of amnesia
Last week, the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence on Geegana Gamage Amarasiri. He will spend the rest of his natural life behind bars, if not pardoned by a future Rajapaksa president. A distinct possibility. Julampitiya is a townlet in the Hambantota district and GG Amarasiri, better known as Julampitiye Amare, was a local son who made a name for himself as a Rajapaksa protégé.
The crime for which Julampitiye Amare was convicted by three courts happened in the run up to 2012 Southern Provincial Council election. On June 5, the JVP held a pocket meeting in Katuwana. Ten men on five motorbikes armed with T56 rifles crashed into the meeting and shot at the crowd, killing two (50-year-old Edirimanne Pathiranage Malani and 18-year-old Jayasekara Pathiranage Heshan) and injuring several.
The shooting went on for about 30 minutes. According to media reports, the distance between the crime scene and the Katuwana police station is about one and a half kilometres. Yet the police didn’t respond to repeated telephone calls and reached the scene only about 10minutes after the departure of the assailants. According to eyewitness accounts, the OIC was more interested in blaming the organisers for holding a meeting than in gathering evidence.
Many eyewitnesses identified Julampitiye Amare as the lead-attacker. He had not bothered to wear a mask or to hide his identity in anyway. He probably saw no reason. The man reportedly had more than 100 arrest warrants against him, including for murder and rape, yet strutted about in Tangalle toting a T56. He had been in hiding from police, theoretically, since 2003, yet used to visit friends in prison, as Tangalle High Court Judge Chandrasena Rajapaksa revealed in open court. He was eventually arrested when he appeared in the Tangalle High Court on another case. The presiding judge ordered he be remanded.
The police later claimed that they didn’t arrest Julampitiye Amare because they had no idea what he looked like. They could have asked Namal Rajapaksa for a description. A photograph from those times show a forbidding looking Julampitiye Amare standing behind a very young Namal Rajapaksa as he speaks at a pocket meeting in Hambantota ((https://x.com/wijayakumaraya/status/1192392881123672064).).
The police didn’t arrest – or even question – Julampitiye Amare for the same reason the Media Centre for National Security issued a statement just hours after the attack blaming the violence on the JVP-breakaway FSP. Both the inaction and the lie were motivated by the same purpose – shielding a loyal Rajapaksa servitor (The same way the police and other state officials helped dress up Wasim Thajudeen’s brutal murder as an accident).
After a seven-year-trial, in 2019, the Tangalle High Court found Julampitiye Amare guilty as charged and sentenced him to death. The Appeal Court upheld the conviction in 2024 and in 2025, the Supreme Court followed suit.
The Rajapaksas have always portrayed themselves as protectors of democracy, basic rights, and rule of law, even as they did everything to eviscerate democracy, basic rights, and rule of law. That is to be expected. Which despot calls himself a despot?
What is new, and concerning, is the opposition’s increasing tendency to accept the Rajapaksas at their own valuation. What is new, concerning, and indeed grotesque, is the opposition’s willingness to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the Rajapaksas in defence of democracy, basic rights, and rule of law.
The Supreme Court’s decision on Julampitiye Amare is a reminder, and obviously reminders are much needed, of how democracy, basic rights, and rule of law fared in the Rajapaksa past. Any attempt by the NPP/JVP government to erode democratic rights, freedoms and the rule of law should be resisted. But doing so in the company of Rajapaksas would be a political and moral mistake of a very serious order.
Past Unlearnt
The whitewashing of the JVP began soon after the Second Insurrection was over. Only the brutality of the state was remembered. The JVP’s own violence on unarmed opponents (such as student leader Daya Pathirana, former JVPer turned peace activist Nandana Marasinghe, and peasant activist Jamis Atugala) was airbrushed out of a black-and-white re-portrayal. This airbrushing was more the work of the SLFP and the PA than the JVP.
Take, for example, the Vijaya Kumaratunga Commission appointed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. The President – as the appointing authority – had said on multiple occasions that Vijaya Kumaratunga was killed not by the JVP but by the UNP. The Commission, guided by an extremely abrasive Sarath Silva, in his capacity as attorney general, gave the desired verdict by blaming Ranasinghe Premadasa and Ranjan Wijeratne for the murder (the Report did concede that the actual killing was done by hard-core JVP member Lionel Ranasinghe but concluded, based on a concoction of hearsay and suppositions, that his orders came not from the JVP but from the UNP).
Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga made good use of these ‘findings’ during the 1997 provincial election campaign (President Releases Assassination Commission Report. Evidence Implicates Premadasa, Wijeratne in the killing, says Report, shouted the banner headline of the Daily News of 1 Feb 1997). Those ‘findings’ also cleared the way for her to form an alliance with the JVP in 2003/2004 in order to bring down the Ranil Wickremesinghe government.
Two decades later, in 2023-2024, as the NPP/JVP and Anura Kumara Dissanayake began to surge in the opinion polls, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga started talking about how the JVP killed her husband. The JVP responded by reminding her of the findings of the Commission she herself appointed.
By aligning with the Rajapaksas to oppose a government which is – still – far more democratic and law-abiding than Mahinda and Gotabaya regimes ever were, the SJB and the UNP are repeating the SLFP/PA’s mistake with the JVP. A mistake which will help the government in the short term and the Rajapaksas in the long term.
The JVP, under Anura Kumara Dissanayake, tendered a tepid apology for its own violent past. The apology, though lukewarm, was way more than what the JVP under Somawansa Amarasinghe was willing to do. And it was with that totally unreconstructed JVP the Rajapaksas formed a formal alliance for Mahinda Rajapaksa’s 2025 presidential election campaign. The Rajapaksas remember the JVP’s violent past now, yet had no problem with that same violent past in 2005. (Incidentally, Mahinda Rajapaksa played a pivotal role whitewashing that violent past both during and after the Second Insurrection.)
The non-Rajapaksa Opposition which is willing to legitimise the Rajapaksas to spite the government needs to answer some basic questions.
Do Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa believe that the Rajapaksas were responsible for the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge? If so, how can they form an alliance with the Rajapaksas to save democracy? Do they still think that the impeachment of Shirani Bandaranayke was illegal? If so, how can they stand with the Rajapaksas to save the rule of law? Do they still accept that the Rajapaksas were behind Keith Noyahr’s abduction and the attack on Upali Tennakoon? If so, how can they hold hands with the Rajapaksas to protect basic rights? How far does their amnesia run, and how deep?
It has been an unwritten tradition in Sri Lanka that all major presidential candidates attend the formal gathering at the Election Commission office to hear the official announcement of election results. In 2010, Sarath Fonseka, the joint oppositional candidate, broke this tradition. Not that he didn’t want to come; he wasn’t allowed to. While an ashen-faced election commissioner was formally announcing the result, the candidate who came second, his family, and the opposition leaders backing him (including Ranil Wickremesinghe) were holed up at the Cinnamon Lakeside Hotel.
A few hours after voting ended, hundreds of armed soldiers and policemen had surrounded the hotel, making downtown Colombo look like the capital city of a Latin American autocracy. The government claimed that the purpose of the ‘siege’ was to arrest hundreds of armed army deserters Gen. Fonseka was keeping in the hotel (with the intention of ‘mounting a coup’ or/and ‘assassinating President Rajapaksa’). Yet in the end no deserters were found; just members of Gen. Fonseka’s official security detail (granted to him by the military, in accordance with the orders of the Election Commissioner). These serving soldiers in their uniforms were arrested when they came out of the hotel to report to their original unit. They were made to kneel on the road, handcuffed, and taken away by the military police.
Just two weeks after the election, Sarath Fonseka, the man who came second in the presidential contest with 40% of the national vote (4.17 million), was arrested and remanded. Little wonder Maithripala Sirisena went into hiding after casting his vote at the 2015 presidential election.
Such treatment of a defeated opponent is unprecedented in Lankan history, before or since. And that was how the Rajapaksas protected democracy. If the opposition continues down its current path of opportunistic stupidity, at least some of them will pay the price, with life, limb or freedom, when the Rajapaksas they are helping to whitewash return to power.
These Undead Shades
The NPP/JVP government seems rather sensitive to criticism; its members run to the CID at the drop of a verbal hat, even though there’s no criminal defamation law in Sri Lanka, as the director general of the Bribery Commission Ranga Dissanayake pointed out recently. (They obviously don’t realise how their useless complaints would keep the CID from doing the serious work they have been tasked with, starting with bringing the killers of Lasantha Wickrematunge, Wasim Thajudeen, and Prageeth Ekneligoda to justice).
But media (including social media) is still free to criticise, even though media repression in the North continues.
Does the opposition remember how Rajapaksas dealt with critics? The early morning arson attack on Sirasa studio in 2009? The early morning arson attack on Lanka e news office in 2011?
Does the opposition remember how senior journalist Bennet Rupesinghe (then news editor of Lanka e news) was summoned to the Mirihana police station and kept overnight for interrogation in 2011? The police claimed that the arrest resulted from a complaint made by the brother of the man who, also according to the police, was responsible for the arson attack on the Lanka e news office: “Reports said Rupesinghe was additionally charged for allegedly having an armed group threaten the complainant at gun point on March 11th and withholding information from the police regarding the attack on Lanka e news” (Hindustan Times – 31.3.2011).
Does the opposition remember the 2012 raids on Sri Lanka Mirror and Lanka X News offices were attacked and their staffers arrested (including the tea-boy), within 48 hours of the dissolution of North-Central, Eastern, and Sabaragamuwa provincial councils? Both websites were registered with the Media Ministry. But according to the Media Centre for National Security they were “propagating false and unethical news… Websites operated by certain quarters with vested interests are trying to bring disgrace to the country and the people, especially at a time when the country is undergoing a period of social and economic revival.” “The government (is) in the process of moving against several other websites” added the media minister (The Island – 3.7.2012). Indeed, by the time the 2015 presidential election was held most websites were either violently put out of business or banned.
Given this past, any alliance with the Rajapaksas would amount to a betrayal of every norm and principle the opposition is supposed to stand for.
The greatest challenge to the non-Rajapaksa opposition is not the government but its own inadequacies, its lacklustre personnel, its deadly inability to inspire voters. If the opposition thinks that standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the Rajapaksas (and their past and present stooges) can create a sense of enthusiasm in anti-government voters, it is mistaken.
The opposition’s future lies with anti-Rajapaksa voters who are against/disillusioned with the government. Voters who want to see the country progress to a more democratic, less corrupt, more just and equal future instead of regressing to an all too familiar past. Winning the trust and confidence of such voters would be impossible without Remembering.
by Tisaranee Gunasekara
“Lone ago – recently… Depends on who is talking and what is being considered.”
Wislawa Szymborska (The She-Pharaoh – The New York Review – 15.7.1999)
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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