Midweek Review
North: Focus on security, concerns over Vadamarachchi camp pullout

Political compulsions cannot override military requirements. A sensible government won’t give in to unfair demands, regardless of consequences. The Yahapalana government betrayed the war-winning armed forces when it co-sponsored a US-led accountability resolution in early Oct. 2015. Over the years, governments blundered when dealing with those spearheading the separatist project. President Ranasinghe Premadasa foolishly vacated strategically important camps during the 1989-1990 period thinking that it would help to win over the Tigers. The vacated camps included Point Pedro and Valvettiturai. Premadasa granted presidential pardon for convicted LTTE terrorists. Also in line with his overall flawed strategy, Premadasa facilitated the setting up of the political wing of the LTTE and funded the group to the time of Rs 125 mn during 1989-1990 period. Some of the funding was made available after the LTTE resumed hostilities in June 1990, following 14-month long honeymoon with the UNP leader.
Finally, he himself paid the supreme price for such follies when a Tiger suicide bomber, who had infiltrated his inner circle, carried out one of the most daring suicide attacks during the May Day celebrations of 1993 in Colombo.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
SLPP National List MP Namal Rajapaksa, on Nov. 20, expressed serious concerns over the planned vacation of an Army camp in the Jaffna peninsula. War-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s eldest son and former Minister tweeted: “According to reports, an Army camp in the North has been withdrawn, for land to be released back to civilians, and many more such camps are to be withdrawn in the coming months. While the release of lands is not an issue, if it is done in consultation with the security forces, it should not be done at the cost of compromising national security. SL fought 30 years to defeat terrorism and today all communities enjoy freedom at the cost of thousands of lost lives. It is of utmost importance that national security is maintained, whether it is in the North or South.”
Contrary to his declaration, the strategically located detachment, a company headquarters of a Sinha Regiment battalion, hadn’t been vacated yet. A highly placed defence official told the writer, last weekend, that the military negotiated with landowners regarding the handing over of the camp. Negotiations that had been initiated during the tail end of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency were finalized and the pullout would be completed in two weeks, the official said. Karkovalam is situated south of Point Pedro light house area.
Lawmaker Rajapaksa alluded the proposed removal of the camp to an understanding between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s National People’s Power (NPP) government and the Northern community, plus the Tamil Diaspora that enabled his party to secure all electoral districts in the Northern and Eastern provinces, except Batticaloa. Both lawmaker Rajapaksa and the defence official were referring to troops based at Karkovalam, near the coast of Manalkadu in Vadamaratchchy (north). The Navy maintains a base at Point Pedro, north of Karkovalam. The emphasis should also be on neutralizing smuggling operations across the Palk Straits.
Jaffna peninsula consists of three sectors, namely Waligamam, Thennamaratchchy and Vadamarachchi.
In a story headlined ‘Sri Lankan army camp in Jaffna ordered to disband after decades of occupation’, posted on Nov, 20, The Tamil Guardian declared the vacated three acres of land would be returned to its rightful owners. The Tamil Guardian claimed that: “It is the first move to dismantle the intense militarization of the Tamil homeland in years.”
Obviously, there hadn’t been any order in respect of the Karkovalam pullout. The whole exercise had been conducted in an orderly manner, through negotiations between the military and the landowners.
The SLPPer’s tweet, pertaining to Karkovalam pullout, should be examined taking into account the criticism directed at the NPP government over the opening of the Palali-Achchuveli main road that remained closed for over 15 years, after the successful conclusion of the war. Newly elected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, in his capacity as the Defence Minister ordered the Palai-Achchuveli main road opened two weeks before the general election held on Nov. 14.
One cannot find fault with MP Rajapaksa for taking up the issue against the backdrop of the humiliating defeat suffered at the recently concluded general election. The only Rajapaksa in Parliament after the political tsunami brought the SLPP down to just three MPs (two elected and one appointed), the former Hambantota District lawmaker had no option but grab any opportunity to hog the limelight. Despite the humiliating performance at the two recent national polls, the SLPP won handsomely at the two preceding Presidential and General elections. Unfortunately, the SLPP took the massive mandates received on those occasions for granted.
The issue at hand is whether the NPP would pursue an agenda inimical to national security, as alleged by the SLPP and other interested parties. Did the opening of the Palali-Achchuveli main road, and the vacation of Karkovalam, undermined the overall security in the Jaffna peninsula?
The new government has been accused of bending backwards to appease the Northern community and the Tamil Diaspora. Interested parties took advantage of a congratulatory message issued by the influential Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC) on the NPP’s victory at the general election. The CTC dealt with six specific issues, including two that pertained to the deployment of the armed forces, and the security sector. Let me reproduce them verbatim:
(a) Restoration of Land Rights: The CTC called for the return of privately-owned lands in the Northern and Eastern provinces that are currently occupied by the military, as well as a cessation of illegal land acquisitions, to rebuild trust and restore rightful ownership.
(b) Reform of the Security Sector: The letter emphasized the need to align the military presence in the Northern and Eastern provinces with the rest of the country and to discontinue military involvement in commercial ventures, such as farming and hospitality, which hinder local businesses and farmers.
The presidential and general elections delivered a knockout blow to the Diaspora groups. The CTC is no exception. Actually, the CTC’s call to reduce the military presence in the Northern and Eastern areas is irrelevant. Such declarations are only meant to deceive the gullible public and appease those who cannot bear the LTTE’s defeat.
The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government authorized the releasing of both state and privately-owned land in the Jaffna peninsula during Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Commander of the Army (15 July 2009 – 31 July 2013).
Gradual releasing of land continued throughout the post-conflict period as successive governments thinned military presence in the Northern and Eastern regions. Therefore, the opening of the Palali-Achchuveli main road, and vacation of Karkovalam, shouldn’t be a cause for unnecessary concern but considered in line with the government overall security posture.
Perhaps, the best way to promote post-war national reconciliation is countering unsubstantiated war crimes allegations that were utilized by the US to move an accountability resolution, targeting Sri Lanka, in early Oct. 2015. The treacherous Yahapalana government co-sponsored that resolution, thereby betraying the war-winning military and the political leadership. Whatever the shortcomings on the part of the Rajapaksas and those aligned with them, they cannot be deprived of the nation’s gratitude for sustaining the war effort in the face of daunting challenges, both domestic and external.
Pre-2005 Jaffna
Those who complain of saturation of the Northern and Eastern regions with military and police conveniently forget whichever political party that had been in power was compelled to face the LTTE’s conventional military challenge, as well as meticulously planned operations, conducted in areas under government control, in order to sow chaos.
At the time Eelam War IV erupted in the second week of August 2006, the largest deployment of troops was in the Jaffna peninsula, that was brought under government control during the 1995-1996 period. Karkovalam area had been captured during that period.
In 2006, the LTTE had approximately 15,000 square kms under its control in the Northern and Eastern regions and the group posed quite a significant threat to the government. Their main concentration of troops and firepower had been aimed at preventing the Army from trying to push southwards across the Muhamalai defence line. Jaffna military bases had been within the range of the LTTE’s long range artillery. The group had considerable firepower that overwhelmed the Army on many occasions, particularly those battalions deployed along Kilali-Muhamalai-Nagarkovil frontline before they were brought down to their knees during the Aug. 2006-May 2009 all-out campaign to defeat the might of the separatist LTTE.
The LTTE almost succeeded in overwhelming Jaffna during the 2000-2001 period but the military managed to stabilize the peninsula before Eelam war IV erupted in August. There had been four Divisions, plus troops, deployed in the peninsula, and two of them, 53 and 55 Divisions, joined large scale operations on the Vanni east front in late 2008. The combined armed forces brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009 against the assertions of pundits here and abroad.
Having eradicated the LTTE within three years, the winding down of security forces deployment began in the absence of an LTTE threat. Although some foreign governments and sections of media asserted that the LTTE could resume hit and run attacks and engagements were likely to continue for years, such a situation didn’t materialize. That was primarily due to over 12,000 cadres, both hardcore and child soldiers, surrendering to the advancing Army. The LTTE simply lacked the will, or the wherewithal, to engage the Army in hit and run attacks.
Had the LTTE retained at least a minor post-war ‘operational’ capacity, the gradual reduction of troops from the North and East could never have taken place. The Tamil community and the Tamil Diaspora should appreciate the total destruction of the LTTE that enabled the gradual disassembling of what can be described as ‘security structure’ in place in the North with the ending of the needless bloodshed.
Regardless of the restoration of civil administration, the government cannot, under any circumstances, lower its guard. The deployment of armed forces must be the exclusive prerogative of the government of the day.
Gradual decrease in strength
Rapid recruitment during Eelam War IV resulted in almost doubling of the Army’s strength. By the time the combined security forces eradicated the LTTE menace in May 2009, the regular and volunteer strength of the Army alone had been 205,000 officers and men. Now, the strength is down to 8,600 officers (both regular and volunteer) and 130,000 other rankers (both regular and volunteer). Of course, in the absence of war, there is no need to maintain wartime recruitment levels but the government must ensure sufficient strength necessary to meet any eventuality. The current political leadership, under no circumstances, should absolve itself of the responsibility for maintaining adequate strength in the armed forces to ensure that we do not go back to having mere ceremonial three branches of the armed forces wholly inadequate to take on any threat to the sovereignty of the nation.
During Wickremesinghe’s presidency, that government suddenly declared that the Army would be reduced to 135,000 by the end of 2024 and 100,000 by 2030. Perhaps, the NPP government should disclose its position on the previous government declarations.
Regardless of the developing political-economic-social challenges against the backdrop of bankruptcy, it would be the responsibility of the military top brass to brief the political leadership of the ground situation. Post-war national security requirements shouldn’t be looked at only on the basis of economic indicators. That would be suicidal. In other words, the country is in such a precarious situation, the political leadership may tend to conveniently ignore basics, especially to please various interested parties, thereby jeopardizing national security.
Declaration that the SLA would be reduced to 100,000 by 2030 means the total strength would be cut by half, from its peak.
Over 15 years after the conclusion of the war, the Jaffna peninsula remains the top priority with quite considerable strength assigned to the Vanni theatre. The NPP handsomely won the Jaffna and Vanni electoral districts at the general election but peace secured at a tremendous cost cannot be undermined.
At the height of the war, the overall Jaffna deployment, including islands, surpassed 45,000. But, troop levels had been gradually brought down though three infantry Divisions (51, 52 and 55) are deployed therein. The Army raised the 51 and 52 Divisions during CBK’s presidency to carry out ‘Operation Riviresa’ that brought the Jaffna peninsula under government control by 1996. The Army engaged in ‘Operation Jayasikurui’ struggling on the Vanni front, raised the 55 Division in Dec. 1996.
In the Vanni theatre, there are five Divisions (54, 21, 56, 59 and 64) and one of them is expected to be moved out soon. It would be pertinent to mention that the Vanni deployment covered three administrative districts, namely Vavuniya, Mannar and Mullaitivu.
Commenting on the planned Karkovalam pullout, a senior retired officer asserted that it could be viewed as part of a broader initiative by President Dissanayake’s government to return lands occupied by the military. The NPP move represents a significant step toward reconciliation though it elicited mixed reactions, the emeritus Maj. General said. He asserted that the government shouldn’t make hasty decisions by releasing lands in quick succession. “Instead, a detailed assessment of both present and future security threats should be conducted. Decisions regarding the removal of military bases should be carefully evaluated, while ensuring a robust reserve force is maintained for national security.”
Another senior officer, who had served with the Special Forces, asserted that new thinking was necessary. Referring to experience in the Vadamaratchchi sector, the veteran said that the overall deployment strategy should be changed with several large bases in strategic locations with the ability to carry out rapid deployment in case of an emergency.
There should be consensus that the new government should decide on further reductions taking into consideration both private and state land released since 2010. There is no doubt that Defence Secretary, retired AVM Sampath Thuiyakontha, wartime Commanding Officer of Mi-24 helicopter gunship squadron, and Deputy Defence Minister, retired Maj. General Aruna Jayasekara, would look into the entire gamut of issues pertaining to vacation of bases.
Those demanding that the military deployment in the Northern and Eastern regions align with the rest of the country shouldn’t forget that civilians would have been still in camps for the displaced if not for Sri Lanka’s triumph over terrorism. CTC or some other Diaspora grouping cannot decide on Sri Lanka’s defence needs as an economically weakened country shouldn’t risk its security by weakening the military.
The forthcoming Local Government polls will help the government to ascertain the developing situation. Having increased its tally at the general election just within weeks after the presidential poll, the NPP should tread carefully possible scenarios that could crop up not only in the Northern and Eastern regions but other areas as well.
Perhaps, the government should disclose the total land area vacated since the end of war 15 years ago. The understanding is that closer to 80 percent of land that had been once occupied by the military has already been released by successive governments. Those eternally upset about military presence must be reminded that the armed forces and police are the main blood donor in the North. Regardless of caste issues that are still paramount in that community, thousands of Tamils over the years during the war and after received blood donated by the country’s servicemen whenever there were requirements without any issues.
CFA factor
The Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) entered into in February 2002 among other objectives was meant to cunningly reduce the military strength, particularly in the Northern region. The UNP-led UNF had no sense of responsibility, therefore agreement was reached on reduction of military strength, and the proposed subsequent abolition of high security zones in the Jaffna peninsula, sent shock waves through the armed forces.
If not for the forthright stand taken by the then Jaffna Security Forces Commander Maj. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, the government may have had given up high security zones. Had that happened, our fate could have been different and the LTTE probably could have overwhelmed the Divisions deployed in the Jaffna peninsula.
How can we forget that in the wake of the Elephant Pass debacle in April 2000, the then government pleaded with India to evacuate the armed forces and police deployed in the Jaffna peninsula? Had India stepped in, that could have resulted in the breaking up of the country. The loss would have been irreversible. India’s refusal compelled the Army to fight back as there was absolutely no alternative but to face the enemy. In spite of considerable losses, the Army managed to halt the LTTE advance on Jaffna and slowly turn back the tide. They held on to new frontline at Muhamalai. Less than six years later, the Army transformed into a lethal fighting force that conducted offensive operations over a period of two years and 10 months until elusive Prabhakaran was killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.
Midweek Review
B’caloa Tigers’ 2004 shock revolt in retrospect

Pilleyan, a key element in that drama now arrested for political expediency?
The LTTE killed two Karuna loyalists on July 15, 2004 in the Batticaloa Prison. The dead included Satchi Master. The killer was an LTTEer serving a short sentence for jewellery theft and assault. The killings in the Batticaloa Prison caused anxiety among senior government officials. On Aug. 24, 2004, an LTTEer shot dead another Karuna loyalist, P. Jayakumar, in the Akkaraipattu Magistrate’s Court. A jail guard and a court clerk sustained minor injuries. The police arrested Jayakumar, along with another LTTE dissident, Saravanamuthu Shanthakumar, at a road block, at Akkaraipattu, on May 19th, 2004. They were in possession of a pistol, one hand grenade and 15 rounds of ammunition. Shanthakumar was killed on July 15, 2004 at the Batticaloa Prison along with Satchi Master.
Against the backdrop of one-time LTTEer Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pilleyan’s arrest on April 08, 2025 and subsequent detention under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over Eastern University Vice Chancellor Prof. S. Raveendranath’s disappearance on Dec. 15, 2006, whose life was actually under threat from the TIGERS several years after Karuna and Pilleyan broke away from it, various interested parties started commenting on the role played/atrocities perpetrated by Pilleyan and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, aka Karuna Amman, during the conflict, and after.
Both Karuna and Pilleyan entered mainstream politics before the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009. Pilleyan is the current leader of TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal).
In a way it is a pity that the police are now trying to pin Pilleyan for the disappearance of Prof Raveendranath, obviously to please the current political masters.
Comments included their role in LTTE terrorism and what they did after switching their allegiance to the government in March 2004. Let me stress that they daringly rebelled against the LTTE during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the Prime Minister. The UNP has repeatedly claimed the credit for the unprecedented schism in what was considered a monolithic terror organisation and some asserted that the LTTE engineered Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 presidential election to avenge the catastrophic split.
Pilleyan’s arrest caused a political storm with his counsel Udaya Gammanpila alleging that an attempt was being made to compel his client to confess complicity in the 2019 Easter Sunday suicide attacks. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader and former Minister Gammanpila is no stranger to controversy, but he has remained unscathed when it comes to his integrity.
In spite of vindictive attacks on him, Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila declared that nothing could be as ridiculous as accusing Pilleyan, who had been detained at the Batticaloa Prison for a period of five years (Oct. 11, 2015 to Nov. 24, 2020) of arranging National Thowheed Jaamaath (NTJ) to bomb churches and hotels on April 21, 2019. Having granted bail to Pilleyan and four others held in connection with the Christmas Day, 2005, assassination of TNA MP Joseph Pararajasingham on two personal sureties of Rs. 100,000/- each, the Batticaloa High Court acquitted and released them on January 13, 2021.
It would be pertinent to examine the devastating split caused by Karuna in March 2003 and its impact on the Eelam War IV (2006 August to May 2009).
Karuna’s move
Having received information that ‘Colonel’ Karuna decamped, the Kilinochchi-based leadership acted swiftly and decisively to neutralise the impending threat. The LTTE planned to take hold of both Karuna Amman, responsible for Ampara-Batticaloa sector, and his colleague, Sivasubramanium Varadanthan, aka ‘Colonel’ Paduman, in charge of the neighbouring Trincomalee District, to Kilinochchi. The Kilinochchi-based leadership, or Vanni leadership, wanted to ensure that those deployed under the command of Karuna and Paduman remaind loyal to the organisation. Both Karuna and Paduman had held the rank of ‘Colonel’ at that time, though Karuna was in the limelight due to his involvement in negotiations with the UNF government.
The Kilinochchi command cleverly used the Defence Ministry and SCOPP (Secretariat for Coordinating Peace Process) officials to arrange for an SLAF chopper to fly Karuna Amman, along with Paduman, to Kilinochchi. SCOPP records prove that on the authorisation of the Defence Ministry, it directed the SLAF to pick Paduman from Trincomalee and then touch down at a pre-arranged location in the Batticaloa District, on March 2, 2004, to take on board Karuna.
Fearing that he would have to face a firing squad in Kilinochchi, Karuna declined to join Paduman. Instead, he set in motion a strategy, which finally debilitated the LTTE’s conventional fighting capability. The writer disclosed the LTTE’s counter-move in a Sunday Island report headlined ‘Prabhakaran plotted Karuna capture’ in its March 28, 2004, edition.
Both Karuna and Paduman, at that time, confirmed the LTTE using SCOPP/ SLAF to arrange their transfer from the East to Kilinochchi.
The UNP and the Norwegians never bothered to raise the issue with the LTTE at that time. The Defence Ministry continued to provide chopper rides to the LTTE and did everything possible to appease the outfit, even at the expense of national security.
Norwegian peace facilitator and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), too, had been aware of the LTTE request for an SLAF chopper ride for top Tigers in the East. Had Karuna got into that chopper and ended up in a secret LTTE detention camp or executed, Eelam War IV would have taken a different course.
The Vanni leadership used Paduman, on several occasions, to counter reports of a debilitating split in the LTTE. The LTTE never allowed Paduman to leave the Vanni throughout Eelam War IV. Paduman surrendered on May 15, 2009, four days before troops killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.
Karuna caused the split just over a year after the LTTE quit the negotiating table. President CBK, PM Wickremesinghe, and the co-chairs of the peace process, agreed that the LTTE should be allowed to deal with the situation. They allowed the situation to develop into a bloody confrontation. They failed to realise that Karuna’s revolt caused irreparable damage to the organisation by dividing the LTTE’s fighting cadre on regional lines. The crisis denied the LTTE recruitment in the Batticaloa and Ampara sectors, while its operations in the Trincomalee District, too, experienced difficulties due to the detention of ‘Colonel’ Paduman, the senior man in charge of the area. ‘Colonel’ Paduman, too, was perceived as a threat due to his close association with Karuna.
Karuna acted swiftly to ensure his protection and that of the eastern cadres. The well-proven battlefield strategist felt that his security, as well as the safety of the Batticaloa fighting cadre, depended on an understanding with the Sri Lankan military. Karuna pushed for a separate agreement on the lines of the Norwegian arranged CFA between the GoSL and the LTTE in February 2002.
The Island dealt with Karuna’s move in an exclusive headlined ‘Rebel Karuna wants separate deal with government’ in the March 5, 2004 issue, which was based on information provided by Varathan, an aide to Karuna. The then Army Chief, Lieutenant General Lionel Balagalle and DIG Nimal Lewke confirmed what Varathan had to say on behalf of Karuna.
Karuna offered to negotiate a separate ceasefire in the Ampara-Batticaloa sector, though both the Norwegians and the government promptly rejected the move, while reiterating their commitment to the CFA. But, an influential section, within the establishment, supported Karuna’s move. Varathan alleged that a wave of killings in the Eastern Province, in the wake of the CFA, and a demand for 1,000 more cadres from the Batticaloa-Ampara sector for deployment in the Northern Province, too, had contributed to Karuna’s decision to break ranks.
Wobbling goverment
An unprecedented crisis caused by Karuna sent shock waves through the LTTE and its supporters. Among the affected parties were the TNA and the Tamil Diaspora. The LTTE struggled to contain the developing crisis. In spite of specific government orders issued to the Army not to intervene, at certain levels the military cooperated with Karuna.
Karuna wanted the Army to prevent a group of senior cadres, who had been under his overall command, from crossing the entry/exit point at Omanthai, north of Vavuniya, back to the Vanni. The LTTE dissident also urged the Army to facilitate an operation to help his men, deployed in the Northern Province, to return through Army lines on the night of March 3, 2004. The government prohibited the Army from supporting Karuna’s efforts, hence a group of senior cadres, including ‘Colonel” T. Ramesh and their families, crossed the entry/exit point. Immediately after their arrival in Kilinochchi, ‘Colonel’ Ramesh was declared as Karuna’s successor.
Undaunted by the government’s refusal to back his revolt against, what Karuna called, the treacherous Kilinochchi leadership, he ordered public protests in Batticaloa. The first of a series of protests was held at Kiran, Karuna’s home town, where a crowd of over 2,000 people gathered in support of Karuna. Some of them set fire to effigies of Prabhakaran and Ramesh, while Karuna reiterated his demand for a separate CFA with the government. Much to the glee of the LTTE and the Norwegians, the government rejected Karuna’s call for cooperation out of hand. But, the military continued to extend support to Karuna.
In spite of the LTTE’ pull-out from negotiations in April 2003, the government reiterated its commitment to a non-existent peace process thereby bending backwards to please the LTTE and the so-called peace facilitator with its own ultimate agenda coinciding with those of the LTTE.
The LTTE ordered the Tamil media not to provide space for the rebellious group. No one dared challenge the LTTE, though Karuna, too, exerted pressure on the media. Undergraduates from the Northern Province, studying at the Eastern University at Vantharamoolai ,returned to their villages amidst rising tension.
Regardless of the government directive that the military kept its distance from the rebel faction, an influential section of those in the military, who were earlier deployed in clandestine operations behind enemy lines, threw their weight behind the former LTTE field commander.
Batticaloa’s hostility towards the LTTE increased after an LTTE operative shot dead eight Karuna loyalists, including Kuheneshan, widely believed to be a high ranker among the renegade group, at Crystal Terrace housing scheme, Kottawa, on July 25, 2004. They were slain in their sleep
Batticaloa Tamils defied an LTTE directive prohibiting public participation at the funerals of the three Karuna loyalists killed at Kottawa. Several hundred people paid their last respects to Pakyam Amarasevan, alias Tehvan, of Main Street, Kommathurai, Chennkalady, Ponnathurai Thurainadan alias Ruban of the same address, and Kandiah Annandakumar of Kattankudy. The LTTE distributed leaflets warning the public of dire consequences if they attended, what they called, traitors’ funeral. The LTTE made an attempt to prevent public participation, having failed to dissuade families of the victims from bringing the bodies to Batticaloa. Families, living in military held areas, accepted the bodies, whereas those living in the LTTE-controlled region had no option but to accept the directive.
It would be important to examine the circumstances under which the LTTE hunted down those given refuge at the Crystal Terrace housing scheme. They had moved in on July 13, 2004, and were in the process of trying to obtain passports to leave the country. The police quoted a neighbour as having said he heard gunshots around 3.30 a.m. As people used to light crackers to scare monkeys away, he had not taken much notice, he said.
In fact, the first indication of the LTTE operation, the biggest directed against the Karuna faction in Colombo, since the March 2004 split, came to light after the military intercepted a conversation between two LTTE personnel. Although they discussed a successful hit in Colombo, there was no clue as regards the location. The conversation revealed that those involved in the operation had reached Karuna’s successor, ‘Colonel’ Thambirajah Ramesh based in the Batticaloa district. The Colombo police took about four hours to locate the scene of the massacre.
Impact on CFA
The crisis created by Karuna quickly engulfed the entire CFA process. Those trying to save the CFA soon realised that they were fighting a losing battle. They understood Karuna’s action had caused irreparable damage and nothing could resurrect the Norwegian initiative.
The SLMM (Norway led Sri Lanka monitoring mission) suspended the monitoring process in areas under Karuna’s control. Overnight, the Northern and Eastern Provinces were divided into three sectors, under the control of the GoSL, the LTTE and the breakaway LTTE faction. The Norwegians and the SLMM rejected Karuna’s overtures to have a separate CFA negotiated between the breakaway faction and the GoSL. Karuna also emphasised that the LTTE should recognise that the Batticaloa-Ampara sector was outside its purview. UNICEF and the UNHCR, too, pulled out of Karuna’s territory.
Today only a few remember the dicey situation the country experienced at thatime.
The SLMM also turned down an SLA request to arrange for a meeting between the Army and Karuna. In spite of the Army chief, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who held the post of the Chief of Defence Staff, personally pushing for a meeting, which he felt could help ease tensions, the SLMM refused to comply. The LTTE insisted that there shouldn’t be any interaction whatsoever between the SLMM and the breakaway faction. Erik Solheim ruled out a Norwegian intervention, thereby effectively ending any sort of mediation effort.
In a desperate bid to settle the crisis, the UK stepped in. The UK sent its top diplomat in Colombo, Steven Evans, along with its Defence Attaché, Lt. Col. Mark Weldon, to find a way out.
Efforts to isolate Karuna failed. Premier Wickremesinghe compelled Ali Zarheer Moulana to resign his parliamentary seat after the disclosure of his role in facilitating Karuna to leave the Batticaloa district. Before that, the battlefield tactician quickly won over the confidence of the Tamil-speaking people in the region. He took advantage of the situation by offering to discuss long standing grievances of the public. Then General Officer Commanding (GoC) the Army’s 23 Division, headquartered at Welikanda, Brigadier Vajira Wijegunawardene, recalled how Karuna moved swiftly to consolidate his power in areas under his control. Karuna offered to discuss the forcible takeover of land by the LTTE in the east. Soon, the UNP and the TNA realised that the crisis was having a debilitating impact on their campaign for the April 2, 2004 parliamentary polls. In fact, Premier Wickremesinghe had to avoid Batticaloa during campaigning in the East as the Defence Ministry couldn’t guarantee his security.
Vanni move on East
Under the noses of the Norwegians, the LTTE moved cadres to beef up its strength in the Batticaloa District to take on Karuna. The SLMM and the government facilitated the transfer of LTTE cadres from the North to the East in the run-up to the parliamentary polls. The CFA permitted transfers, though there had been restrictions as regards the number of personnel. The LTTE overcame the problem by sending groups in small batches across Army controlled entry and exit points at Omanthai and Uliyankulam. Although the Army had managed to detect some of those entering the East illegally, it couldn’t thwart the LTTE plans. Then the LTTE humiliated the government by launching a series of sea landings on the night of April 9, 2004 to wipe out the breakaway group. The LTTE operation had got underway a few hours after the service commanders arrived at Trincomalee. In spite of the Defence portfolio being under her control, President Kumaratunga did nothing, while the Prime Minister and the Norwegians looked the other way. A confident LTTE leadership told the government that it intended to use sea routes to mount an operation targeting Karuna. The government was told to keep the Navy out of the LTTE’s way. The government gave in to LTTE demands. Following urgent consultations in Colombo between the military and the President, the top brass summoned a meeting at the Batticaloa Brigade Headquarters, where senior officers, in charge of the region, were told to keep out of the fight.
After Karuna’s decision to give up the fight on April 9, 2004, when the LTTE confronted his cadres on the banks of the Verugal River, many believed that Prabhakaran’s erstwhile friend wouldn’t survive.
Karuna’s decision has been influenced by the realisation that the sea borne assault was led by Batticaloa cadres, the majority of those who had fought under him. Had Karuna engaged them on the banks of the Verugal River, there would have been many casualties. Instead of fighting, Karuna ordered his men to leave the battlefield and return to their villages, while he fled Batticaloa with the help of UNP National List MP Ali Zaheer Moulana. Until Moulana acknowledged his role in Karuna’s escape, the UNP, a section of the medi, and even the Norwegians, blamed the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) for helping Karuna escape. Once the UNP had established Moulana’s involvement, PM Wickremesinghe demanded his resignation. He swiftly complied. Moulana sought protection abroad. After years in the US, he returned to the country to pledge his allegiance to President Rajapaksa.
Karuna loyalists killed five LTTE cadres, including ‘Lt. Colonel’ Neelan, the deputy head of the Batticaloa District Intelligence outfit before fleeing the area. A furious Kilinochchi leadership vowed to hit back wherever Karuna and his top men took refuge.
A spate of killings undermined SLMM efforts to restore normalcy in the Batticaloa-Ampara sector, where unidentified gunmen killed 10 LTTE personnel, in three separate incidents on April 24, May 2 and May 6, 2004. The LTTE accused the DMI of carrying out the killings, a charge vehemently denied by the DMI. The LTTE hit back. An LTTE operative shot dead Lance Corporal Wasantha Liyanage. He was shot through the head inside a private bus approaching Batticaloa town on May 9, 2004. The bus was coming from Chenkaladi.
The LTTE struck again on May 19, 2004, outside the Batticaloa hospital. Reserve police constable, Dassanayake (32658) of police intelligence shot through his head in broad daylight. The gunman walked out of the nearby post office and shot the policeman before walking away.
In spite of a change of government in April, 2004, the UPFA’s response to the LTTE, too, remained the same.
But the military responded to the LTTE threat by stepping up clandestine action, particularly in the East. A growing relationship, mutually beneficial to the military and the breakaway LTTE faction, gradually undermined the LTTE in the Eastern Province. By the time Eelam War IV erupted in Aug 2006, the LTTE had suffered a debilitating setback in the East.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Power of colour beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty

Use of colours in pre-historic era
Humans have been long fascinated by colour, which has played a significant role since the beginning of human civilization. Ancient people had painted caves even before they settled in houses. Cave paintings were created during the stone age from 10,000 to 40,000 years ago. Primitive artists used natural materials available to them to mark their territory, beautify their surroundings, and tell their stories. For thousands of years, paints were handmade from ground mineral-based pigments. Ochre, a natural pigment which comes in shades of red, yellow, orange and brown, was the first pigment used by humans, in the Middle Stone Age of Africa. Ochre, also called hematite, is found all over the world and has been used by nearly every prehistoric culture, whether as paint on caves and building walls, for staining of pottery or other types of artifacts, or as part of a burial ritual or body painting.
Man’s irresistible desire to create pigments was not without untoward consequences. For instance, in 1,775, Carl Wilhelm Scheele, a Swedish chemist, invented a bright green pigment, but it was laced with the deadly poisonous chemical arsenic; it was cheap to produce, but dangerous for artists and patrons alike. However, the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte was so fascinated by and passionate about this colour, he wanted his bedroom wallpaper painted with Scheele’s Green. Historians believe that the green pigment used in the wallpaper caused his untimely death in 1821 at the age of 51 due to cancer. By the end of the 19th century, Paris Green—a mixture of copper and arsenic—replaced Scheele’s Green as a more durable alternative, enabling Claude Monet, Paul Cézanne, and Pierre-Auguste Renoir to create vivid, emerald landscapes. It is also toxic, and thus has also been used as a rodenticide and insecticide. The blindness which Monet subsequently succumbed to may have been due to the toxicity of Paris Green, which was banned in the 1960s.
The Egyptians artists added binders such as eggs, resins and beeswax to pigments so that the paint would adhere to plaster and began painting on it. Hence, Egyptian tombs made of limestone were covered with plaster that was painted using six colours: charcoal black, red ochre, yellow orpiment, brown ochre, blue azurite, and green malachite. Natural mineral pigments were dug from the earth and shaped into sticks that were used as chalks by artists including Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Rembrandt. Dyes made from plants were also used in artwork in the Mediterranean region. By the mid-nineteenth-century, watercolors became available for sale to the public. Since the 1940s, technological advances have produced synthetic pigments and chemical processes for paint making which greatly contributed to expanding the once mineral-based limited colour palette to all the colours of the rainbow. Since then, colour-based industries have grown progressively in the world and the worth of the paint and coatings industry and of colour cosmetics industries in 2023 amounted to around $ 180 billion and $ 80 billion, respectively.
Physics of colour and vision
In the 1660s, English physicist and mathematician, Isaac Newton, demonstrated that clear white light was composed of seven visible colours. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in 1810 published his treatise on the nature, function, and psychology of colours titled “Theory of Colours”. One of his most radical points was a refutation of Newton’s ideas about the colour spectrum, suggesting that darkness is an active ingredient rather than the mere passive absence of light. Though his work was dismissed by a large segment of the scientific community, it remained of intense interest to a cohort of prominent philosophers and physicists, including Arthur Schopenhauer, Kurt Gödel, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Colour springs from the alchemy of light and perception. Light, an ethereal wave of electromagnetic radiation, spans a spectrum visible to human eyes from approximately 380 to 750 nanometers. As light touches an object, it may be reflected, absorbed, or transmitted, with the reflected wavelengths crafting the hue perceived by the eye. This interaction is interpreted by the brain, transforming raw light into the rich palette of the world around us.
The human eye, a wondrous instrument, houses three types of photoreceptor cells known as cones, each attuned to different wavelengths of light:
S Cones: Sensitive to short wavelengths, peaking around 420 nm, endowing us with the perception of blue.
M Cones: Responsive to medium wavelengths, peaking around 534 nm, allowing us to see green.
L Cones: Tuned to long wavelengths, peaking around 564 nm, revealing the red hues.
Human beings can only see the colours that these receptors can receive. Together, these cones create a symphony of signals that the brain harmonises into the countless colours we perceive, enabling us to distinguish millions of shades.
Nature’s creatures possess a diversity of vision, often surpassing human capabilities. Birds and insects, for instance, enjoy a tetrachromatic[DC1] vision (having four types of cone cells in the eye to perceive colour), with an additional type of cone sensitive to ultraviolet (UV) light, unveiling a hidden spectrum invisible to human eyes. Many bird species use UV signals for mating, navigation, and foraging.
Colours are ‘illusions’
People are quite interested in and passionate about colours; thus, they generally make an initial judgment about a product, person, or environment within 90 seconds, and a significant proportion of this assessment, i.e. 60-90%, is based on colour. This shows how strong the influence of colour on perception and decision-making is. Despite this extraordinary experience of colour perception, all colours are ‘illusions’ in the sense that they do not belong to objects independently of how these are perceived. Neither objects nor lights are coloured ‘in themselves’, but are seen as coloured as a result of neural processes and perceptual mechanisms. In fact, the physical properties of colours are different from the way colours are perceived. For example, take a yellow sunflower; it absorbs the blue, red and other colour energy waves, and then reflects back wavelengths that appear yellow. The colour receptors in our eyes then translate the flower’s wavelength into its colour and send that to our brain.
Blue colours in animals are not caused by chemical pigments, but rather by physics and the way light bounces off a surface. Blue-winged butterflies have layered nanostructures on their wing scales that manipulate light layers, cancelling out certain colours and projecting the fluorescent blue colour that we see; thus, they are called structural colours. Another classic example of structural coloration is the peacock’s feather. The microscopic structures in the feathers manipulate light to produce brilliant blues and greens that shift and change as the viewing angle alters. Thus, blue butterflies, roses, and peacocks aren’t actually blue and our eyes have duped us (Fig. 1).
Effects of colour on human behaviour and wellbeing
People have long understood the power of colour over moods and well-being. Colour was used in ancient Egypt, China, and Greece to evoke emotions, aid in spiritual practices, and treat a variety of conditions. Many ancient civilizations, such as the Egyptians and Chinese, embraced the belief that colours possessed healing properties and could be harnessed for therapeutic purposes. This practice, known as chromotherapy, involved the use of specific hues to treat various ailments and promote overall well-being.
Colour is a multidimensional concept which goes beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty. It encompasses physical, psychological, cultural, symbolic, artistic, aesthetic and scientific dimensions, including physiological. The aesthetic beauty of colour has added a mesmerizing and exciting tapestry to nature and it is inconceivable to imagine a world without colour. Leigh Hunt (1784–1859), prolific English poet and journalist, said “Colours are the smiles of nature”.
Colour can affect humans in manifold ways ranging from psychological, physiological, cognitive to emotional, behavioural, healing etc., thereby having a profound influence on their mood, creativity, productivity, health and happiness. In addition, it has a remarkable power not only to heal, rejuvenate and inspire, but also to instill a sense of peace and harmony in us. Colour is also a powerful means of communication and a defining aspect of human experience, influencing our perceptions and preferences, and interactions with the world. Therefore, extensive studies have been carried out on those aspects which have led to the emergence of disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics. Colour can potentially be a powerful source of inspiration, delight, tranquility and solace when used in the right manner for the right place for the right purpose.
However, people generally apply colours purely based on the visual and aesthetic appeal, without a proper understanding of the profound impact that colour can have on people – their performance, experience and wellbeing. Therefore, the use of the right colour for a given place is crucially important in order to provide a more relaxed, congenial and harmonious living environment which goes beyond the aesthetic appeal. Here, it is important to explore the world of colour psychology without diving into technicalities
The colours you choose for your walls, furniture, and the decorations of your bedroom can influence your mood. A bedroom painted in calming tones, e.g. in light blue, might help you to unwind, and create a feeling of serenity. It is not recommended to paint the bedrooms in dark shades of blue as it could interfere with sleep. Similarly, the blue light emitted by electronic screens could produce a similar effect. Therefore, it is not advisable to work on the computer or watch film on electronic screens for long hours prior to retiring to bed. Because the blue light gives the impression to the brain that it is daytime, the body stops releasing the sleep hormone Melatonin. On the other hand, light shades of amber may promote the release of Melatonin helping us to wind down and prepare for sleep in nature’s way.
Feeling relaxed
As blue light causes people to feel relaxed, it has led countries to add blue street lights in order to decrease suicide rates. In 2000, the city of Glasgow installed blue street lighting in certain neighborhoods and subsequently reported the anecdotal finding of reduced crime in these areas. A railroad company in Japan installed blue lighting on its stations in October 2009 in an effort to reduce the number of rail suicide attempts (Fig. 2). Blue is often associated with calmness and serenity and is not naturally associated with food; hence, it can make food appear less appetizing and appealing and reduce the desire to eat. Therefore, blue is generally considered an appetite suppressant and eating off a blue plate could help to reduce overweight and obesity.
Walls of cafés are generally painted in warm, earthy tones like brown or terracotta which evoke a sense of comfort and homeliness. It helps the customers to settle in with a cup of coffee and a good book to spend some relaxing and rewarding time in a congenial ambience. On the other hand, some fast-food chains use red and yellow in their logos and external and internal walls in order to create a vibrant and exciting environment. It not only attracts attention, promotes quick decision making and creates a sense of excitement and urgency, but also stimulates appetite and encourages lively discussion. Though such colours attract both children and adults to fast-food restaurants, they may not wish to stay long in such an ambience after partaking of food, unlike in a coffee shop. Similarly, a kitchen with lively colours could energize you during meal preparation. (Figure 2)

Blue-winged butterfly (Source: https://pixabay.com/photos/butterfly-insect-animal-142506/) (left) and peacock (Source: https://www.photowall.co.uk/peacock-feathers-poster ) (right)
Even when designing websites, careful attention is paid not only to aesthetics, but to emotions that need to be evoked. When a company designs a new website, it carefully selects colours with this in mind. They might use blue for trust, green for growth, and orange for enthusiasm, creating a website that feels inviting and reliable while encouraging action. Architect William Ludlow advocated pale pastel blues and greens in hospitals for therapeutic purposes. The walls of hospitals are often painted in soft, calming colours like pale green or light blue which help to reduce stress and create a healing environment.
Colour can enhance or impair learning, morale, performance and the behaviour of students. It can affect students’ attention span, and perception of time. Visual stimulation rewires the brain, making stronger connections while fostering visual thinking, problem solving and creativity. It has been shown that the cold-coloured walls, such as blue and green, produced the highest levels of relaxation and pleasure, while the warm-colored walls such as yellow and red had the better attention and learning performance. And the white-walled classroom had the lowest subjective evaluation and the worst learning performance. Classrooms when painted with bright yellow — the colour of happiness and optimism – spark creativity and enthusiasm and makes learning more joyful. That’s why some educational spaces use yellow in order to foster a lively and energetic environment. School buses are generally painted yellow the world over for safety and visibility. Yellow colour is in the middle of the visible spectrum so that it strikes the cones (photoreceptors) of the eyes from both sides equally. That makes it almost impossible for anyone to miss a school bus even when it’s in one’s peripheral vision or under poor day light conditions or in bad weather.
Fitness spaces
Exercise rooms and fitness spaces are generally painted in bright orange which exudes energy, motivation and vitality, encouraging movement and activity. It helps to keep the energy high and spirits lifted. Studies have shown that red causes a significantly greater response in heart rate, respiration, brain wave activity, and other nervous system functions than green or blue. In addition, red decreases the perceived size of rooms and space and prompts a sense of warmth. Lush greenery in a park or a natural habitat has a refreshing and rejuvenating effect, creating a sense of harmony and tranquility. Besides, the choice of colour of clothing reflects and affects your mood and if you are feeling upbeat and confident, you might pick a vibrant red shirt or dress. On the other hand, if you seek comfort and tranquility, you may settle for soothing shades of blue, green, etc.
Choice of colour for prisons is of prime importance as it affects the mood of inmates. When colour is used properly in prisons and jails, it can lessen overall tension and conflicts and make the places more comfortable for the inmates to live and work in. Based on the research carried out, bright colours are recommended in the prison, with green and blue colours being the best rated because people perceive them as soothing, stimulating, pleasant and safe. Yellow is also acceptable because the prisoners perceive it as a bright and cheerful colour. Painting the walls of the room with soft shades of yellow and green (kiwi color) was seen by the prisoners as “refreshing”. In all these cases, colour psychology is at play.
Therefore, colours play a significant role in shaping how we feel and behave; thus, they are not just pretty hues, but are the emotions painted onto the canvas of our lives. Hence, colour psychology is like a storyteller that sets the mood and tone of a space, a product, or even a piece of clothing. It’s the silent language that whispers to our emotions, shaping our experiences without us even realizing it. However, these associations between colours and emotions are not universal, but are influenced by cultural, historical, and personal factors. Understanding colour psychology can help individuals and businesses harness the power of colour to evoke specific emotions and convey messages effectively. Whether in branding, interior design, fashion, or art, colour plays a central role in shaping our perceptions and experiences. It’s a fascinating aspect of our world that continues to intrigue and inspire creativity in various fields.
Further information in this regard is found in the book titled “The Power of Colour: Enhancing Human Wellbeing and Unleashing Human Potential” edited by Ranjith Senaratne and Raj Somadeva. It emanated from a conference conducted by the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science and includes contributions from a multidisciplinary team comprising artists, architects, engineers, biologists, environmentalists, psychiatrists, musicians and scientists.
Concluding remarks
Though the manifold effects of colour on humans have been recognized from time immemorial, there is very little appreciation and understanding of those effects on humankind and how these effects could be harnessed to enhance and enrich human wellbeing, including life experience, productivity, performance, satisfaction, memory and creativity. Because of the significance of colour on humans, disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics have emerged which have assumed considerable importance in day-to-day life.
A good grasp of Colour Psychology helps to create a psychologically satisfying, aesthetically pleasing, vibrant and energetic space, or a calm and tranquil environment by selecting the appropriate shades of colours depending on the need and occasion. This is crucially important in a fiercely competitive globalized environment characterized by anxiety, tension, disquiet and chaos where people are leading a stressful, restless and agitated life in a fast-paced world. In the circumstances, creating a relaxed, congenial and harmonious environment at home as well as at the workplace by painting the living and working environment with appropriate hues is of prime importance.
This need is paramount and should be addressed as a matter of great importance. Then only could we embark upon a colorful journey and paint our world with appropriate vibrant hues in order to unearth the boundless potential and transformative power that lies within us. However, there is a dearth of competent professionals, particularly in Sri Lanka who can proffer the right advice and guidance to clients in selecting appropriate colours for specific places such as the living room, bedroom, dining room, reading room, exercise room etc. in homes and public places such as hospitals, restaurants, coffee shops, gymnasiums theatres, prisons etc. for the human wellbeing. This issue has been further exacerbated due to hardly any academic interaction and collaboration, particularly between the Faculties of Arts, Science and Medicine.
The course unit system (CUS) developed in the USA enables students to pick and choose course modules from diverse fields so as to create complementarity and synergy; this in turn, leads to producing well-rounded and well-grounded creative graduates equipped with multiple competencies to address real-world issues more effectively. Though the CUS was introduced in our universities over 20 years ago, because of the heavy compartmentalization and fragmentation, course modules for degree programmed of a given faculty have been selected mainly from among the modules offered by the faculty concerned, thereby not deriving the key expected benefits from the CUS. Consequently, Sri Lankan universities have been hardly able to develop any cross-faculty academic programmed such as Colour Psychology, Colour Therapy, Music Therapy and such like. Therefore, it is imperative to make necessary interventions so as to facilitate and promote interfaculty degree programmed in Sri Lanka universities, paving the way for the development of such academic offerings jointly by the Faculties of Arts, Science, Medicine, Architecture etc. Moreover, cooperation and collaboration between faculties are needed to effectively address complex real-world issues such as SDGs which demand a holistic trans-disciplinary systems approach. Hence, the earlier such interventions are made, the better.
by Emeritus Professor
Ranjith Senaratne
University of Ruhuna, (ransen.ru@gmail.com)
Midweek Review
Silence of the Civilized

With his limbs ripped off in a blast,
Mounting challenges await the Gaza boy,
And though he will be winning good hearts,
When he cries that Mum can’t be held now,
The stony silence of the civilized world,
In the face of his stepped-up mute suffering,
Should be seen as another frontier of agony,
And herein we have the conclusive evidence,
That hearts are made numb by unending savagery.
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