Features
Navigating Sri Lanka’s rocky road to recovery
By Anoushka Vijesingh
Sri Lankafs economic crisis has been going on for some time. Years of policy missteps and a problematic growth model came to the fore with a debilitating foreign reserves crisis in early 2022. Families and firms suffer due to shortage of essential commodities. The precarious balance of payments situation has left little buffer to counter shocks from global markets. All this resulted in the peoplefs rejection of a regime that oversaw the economic collapse, an insurgency that lasted several months, and the installation of President Ranil Wickremesinghe under extraordinary circumstances in July. Since the governmentfs announcement of the suspension of foreign debt payments in April, discussions have progressed on a bailout ? an expanded funds facilitation program ? with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the finalization of an employee-level agreement (SLA). being given. In recent weeks, there has been a tendency for those in power to blame public protests as gchaosh and gunresth for delays in consolidating the IMF deal. This is not only insidious, but also not helpful in understanding the rocky road ahead.
Even once the SLA is in place, the IMF Executive Board will approve a program and release bailout funds only if it has eadequate financing assurancef. This means that Sri Lanka will have to secure certain agreements with major creditors (up to the level of comfort of the IMF) and the fundfs major shareholders such as the US will have to be convinced of the fair treatment of all Sri Lankan creditors. Until then, other multilaterals such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank will also refrain from lending new money. For Zambia, which defaulted in November 2020, the process took about eight months, from the conclusion of an SLA in December 2021 to a settlement with its bilateral creditor group (of which China was co-chaired) in July this year. . Clearly, Sri Lanka should quickly make appropriate progress on debt negotiations with private creditors (holders of international sovereign bonds and commercial debt) and bilateral creditors such as Japan, China and India, to convince the IMFfs executive board.
In this it will be important to get support from China. Chinese officials have sent hot and cold signals in the months since the loan pause was announced in April. While China has expressed support for Sri Lankafs talks with the IMF, it is yet to fully and publicly commit to engaging in talks with other bilateral lenders. Perhaps China, a relationship-based lender, is waiting for the new government to make new proposals at a higher level. Meanwhile, Sri Lankafs debt advisors ? Lazard and Clifford Chance ? will begin talks with private creditors holding sovereign bonds. Some of these are likely to be embroiled in legal disputes, the nature of which led Sri Lanka to unilaterally default in April.
Certainly, spending a few extra weeks on finalizing the SLA may not be a bad thing, if it helps to better ground the program in the current socio-political realities. Trying to coerce through a settlement that doesnft adequately appreciate the dramatic changes could jeopardize the programfs public acceptance and longevity. There are four key areas that the new administration needs to consider. First, the program with the IMF cannot focus solely on revenue-based fiscal consolidation (only, higher taxes); It also has to be dealt with on the spending side. There is a growing public demand for accountability of public finances, better debt management and combating politicization and corruption in government. These are no longer concerns limited to policy victories; They are shared throughout the society. Mis-prioritized public spending (for example, the dominance of military spending in the budget) has compromised investment in health, education and innovation. While higher taxes and a wider tax base are indeed necessary, peoplefs willingness to accept a tighter tax regime will improve when they see greater accountability on how revenue is spent.
Second, domestic political consensus on key reform areas must accompany any IMF programme. It is not just about esigning the point linef of the IMF agreement now, but also about ensuring smooth implementation in the years to come. The economic cost of letting narrow political leanings get in the way is enormous. The scale of the reforms required a consensus among political parties and major interest groups. It is encouraging that we have seen in recent weeks a group of lawmakers agree to advance a common minimum programme, with input from a range of stakeholders. It should gain more traction now to prevent the policy from backtracking later.
Third, policymaking should be more inclusive. One of the biggest governance errors of the deposed regime was its tendency towards island policy making. The Presidentfs COVID-19 Task Force was headed by a military commander, not a health professional or experienced civil servant. There was no input from people outside bureaucratic and military circles in the design and roll-out of COVID-19-era welfare payments. Poverty think tanks and civil society organizations that understand the impact on families, informal workers and vulnerable groups were not welcomed. A COVID-19 economic recovery task force had a handful of non-official members from a narrow section of the private sector and just one woman, a political appointee in a public agency. Incorrectly imposed fertilizer restrictions were reported by paediatricians and priests instead of those holding PhDs in agriculture and agro-economists. The Central Bankfs Monetary Board and the Monetary Policy Advisory Committee were reconstituted to exclude those with different views and to include those who shared the same economic and policy ideology of the government. The new administration should do the opposite: listen to societyfs more representative voices and allow for dissent and outside views in a structured manner.
Fourth, an honest and forward-looking picture needs to be painted. The new government needs to explain what policy steps are being taken, why and when, what will be the results and how these will help mitigate the economic crisis. What is needed is an honest dialogue with the electorate, where the government is with the people, and the public in turn feels that the government has its back.
To be sure, fully approving the IMF agreement from staff-level by the fundfs executive board has less to do with domestic politics and more to do with the progress of debt restructuring negotiations. Potential IMF financing is dependent on a fair and prompt renegotiation process with Sri Lankafs creditors (private and bilateral), to put the country on a path towards debt stability. But the future success of the IMF program, once approved, and overall reform within its scope may be determined by domestic politics and smart policymaking. Any attempt to pursue a reform program without a clear expression of its justification, expected results and measures to protect the vulnerable will be resisted by politicians and the public. Any attempt by Sri Lankan leaders to tighten their grip on society under the guise of intensifying the IMF program will most likely be met with resistance by a newly awakened and alert citizens. (The Hindu)
Anoushka Vijesingh is a Colombo-based economist and co-founder of the Center for a Smart Future, a public policy think tank.
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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