Midweek Review
National elections: Ex-military factor
By Shamindra Ferdinando
With the presidential election scheduled for later this year, political parties represented in Parliament have stepped up efforts to forge alliances.
In terms of the Constitution, presidential elections will have to be conducted between Sept 18 and Oct 18, 2024. The last presidential election was held in Nov 2019.
Even though the presidential election is scheduled for this year, the possibility of President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is also the UNP leader, advancing the parliamentary poll, cannot be ruled out. The last parliamentary poll was held in Aug 2020. Both presidential and parliamentary terms are for five years each.
Whatever the national election that will be held first, under Wickemesinghe’s watch, one of the key factors is the role the armed forces and their families might play in exercising their universal franchise in the current charged up atmosphere of some retired military types calling for a “pivotal change” in the country, from JVP/JJB stages, for the first time. But it was not so long ago the same JVP, in battling the newly elected President Premadasa, made the fatal mistake of giving an ultimatum, in early 1989, to the fighting men, to choose between them and what the latter stood for and we all know what the outcome was with unprecedented brutal violence resorted to by both sides. The then entire JVP leadership was wiped out by the end of that year, barring its politburo member Somawansa Amerasinghe, who managed to flee to India in the nick of time. He later returned to lead the revived party during President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s tenure. Until its young Turks ousted him and he then went the way of all living beings, as age caught up with him, having been a member of the old guard.
The old knight in shining armour, the late Ranjan Wijeratne, who spared no effort to wipe out the JVP second uprising, himself was blown to bits, allegedly by a Tiger suicide bomber, in early 1991, as he was being driven to work through a busy Colombo thoroughfare near Police Park, but the way his body disintegrated in the blast we wonder whether the bomb that killed him was inside the vehicle he was travelling in.
The main Opposition party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), seems to have been deeply troubled by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) enticing retired military personnel of all ranks.
Unexpected development
In fact, the JVP had never received such support from the ex-military since it re-entered the political mainstream during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. The growing relationship between the JVP/JJB and the ex-military appeared to have somewhat unsettled not only the SJB but the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) as well.
One of the post-war Army Chiefs, General Daya Ratnayake (2013-2015) switching allegiance to the SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa recently caused significant controversy. Ratnayake, once falsely accused of helping Mahinda Rajapaksa to regain power, following his defeat at 2015 the presidential poll, served the Rajapaksa administrations faithfully.
Why did Daya Ratnayake leave the Rajapakas? Perhaps, his unceremonious removal as Chairman, Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), in late June 2021, influenced the recent move. Ratnayake responded quite bitterly when the writer sought his response regarding the unexpected development at the SLPA (SLPP imbroglio: Daya quite surprised by sudden removal, The Island, June 26, 2021).
But, Gen. Ratnayake, who held the top command post in the Eastern theatre, during a vital period in the Eelam War IV, made his move as he felt the SJB leader held the upper hand at the forthcoming presidential contest or parliamentary polls.
Gen. Ratnayake hasn’t been hesitant to declare his intention to contest the next parliamentary poll on the SJB ticket. When Dilan Mayadunne, of Hiru Hard Talk, raised the issue, the outspoken officer, without batting an eyelid, declared his intent to seek a parliamentary political career.
Former Navy Commander Admiral Daya Sandagiri (2001-2005), who also served as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and retired Army Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Sathyapriya Liyanage followed Gen. Ratnayake to the SJB. What the retired officers could offer to the SJB should be examined taking into consideration that some ex-military personnel had already extended open support to the JVP/JJB over the past one year, though not so much from the retired military top brass that the SJB has managed to attract in recent days. It would be pertinent to mention that Admiral Sandagiri, too, received appointments, courtesy of previous administrations. Sandagiri had been the Chairman of Lanka Phosphate, during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term, whereas President Maithripala appointed him Vice Chancellor of the Kotelawela Defence University (KDU).
Quite a number of senior officers, both serving and retired at different levels, are flabbergasted over some ex-military men throwing their weight behind the JVP that mounted two abortive insurgencies in April 1971 and 1987-1990. Retired Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuyacontha’s declaration of support to the JVP/JJB sent shock waves through the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government last year.
The government, in a bid to discourage other ex-military personnel blacklisted Thuyacontha, wartime Commanding Officer of the Mi-24 helicopter gunship squadron. A furious Thuyacontha moved the Supreme Court. At the end Thuyacontha and the JVP/JJB scored a massive victory when the SC instructed Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, and the respondent parties, to forthwith grant the retirement privileges the retired officer had been deprived of. The SC Bench consisted of Justices Yasantha Kodagoda and Arjuna Obeysekera.
Fonseka’s angry reaction
to Gen. Ratnayake
A simmering disagreement between SJB leader Premadasa and party Chairman Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, MP, exploded over Gen. Daya Ratnayake’s move.
Gampaha district MP Fonseka cannot be faulted for angrily reacting to the political deal between Gen. Ratnayake and the SJB. The issue at hand is Fonseka, who failed at the 2010 presidential poll at the height of his popularity, wants to contest the next presidential contest.
The war-winning Army Chief is confident that he stands a much better chance than the SJB leader against incumbent President Wickremesinghe. War-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, however, defeated Fonseka by over 1.8 mn votes, whereas Premadasa lost badly to Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the last presidential poll, in 2019.
But, Premadasa has declared his candidature and is pursuing an agenda of his own. Fonseka is of the view that Ratnayake shouldn’t have been accepted under any circumstances as he was one of key acolytes of the Rajapaksas. Fearing the party would sack him, Fonseka recently successfully moved the District Court of Colombo against him being expelled, consequent to his criticism of Gen. Ratnayake’s acceptance into the SJB.
Fonseka has declared that if the SJB is comfortable with Gen. Ratnayake, it can reach consensus with ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and former Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal. Whatever the outcome of the Field Marshal seeking legal redress, the Sinha Regiment veteran has no future with the SJB. The Field Marshal has obviously burnt his bridges. Therefore, he cannot continue with the SJB, under any circumstances. On the other hand, the SJB expects to attract more retired officers and men not only from the military but the police as well. The top SJB leadership is confident that the party can move ahead without Fonseka, who is unlikely to receive any support from the SJB MPs.
The Field Marshal, once renowned for battlefield strategies, seemed to be struggling to cope with the growing isolation experienced within the SJB. What lawmaker Fonseka hoped to secure by meeting President Ranil Wickremesinghe after the UNP leader delivered the opening statement at the reconvened Parliament, in Feb this year, is not clear. But, such dealings with the President wouldn’t help Fonseka’s cause as obviously the UNP leader cannot address the former Army chief’s grievances. Fonseka’s decision to ignore the SJB leader’s directive to his parliamentary group to boycott Wickremesinghe’s speech didn’t do any good to the war veteran. Although Dr. Rajitha Senaratne had been among those SJB MPs who remained in the Chamber when the President delivered his speech, the former Health Minister seems not involved with Fonseka’s strategy at all. Fonseka seems all alone, with absolutely no support coming from the SJB parliamentary group, divided over many issues.
Unless of course Wickremesinghe chickens out once again realising his lack of mass appeal and lack of big economic progress that everyone had hoped for with the help of his supposed powerful backers in the West, when he assumed presidency in the most unusual circumstances, in 2022, with the country in utter chaos, and decides to put forth Fonseka or someone else as the UNP Presidential hopeful as happened twice previously (Fonseka in 2010 and Sirisena in 2015).
As nominations for presidential polls approaches, the SJB expected more ex-military officers and men to pledge their allegiance to the party. But, the JVP/JJB appeared to be successful in their high profile campaign to attract the support among a wider section of the retired military community.
During the high profile public protest campaign (March 29, 2022-July 14, 2022) that ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Field Marshal Fonseka was the only lawmaker allowed to address the crowds. In fact, Fonseka addressed protesters just a few hours before they seized Janadhipathi Mandiraya on July 09, 2022. In late July, Fonseka declared in Parliament that the Aragalaya would be brought to a successful conclusion on the 9th of August 2022. Urging the people to gather in Colombo on that day, the Field Marshal asked the police and military not to obstruct the public. Unfortunately for Fonseka, his move didn’t receive the expected public support at all. By then, Wickremesinghe, having chased out those who had been occupying the Presidential Secretariat, was rapidly consolidating his position. The President quite amazingly won the admiration of the armed forces and police and his readiness to publicly dismiss US Ambassador Julie Chung’s intervention didn’t do any harm.
SLPP’s dilemma
The SLPP is in a deepening dilemma over rapid loss of support from the military and ex-military. Gen. Ratnayake’s switching allegiance to the SJB reflected the crisis developing within the party.
Former Navy Chief of Staff and retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera is the most prominent military man among the SLPP parliamentary group. But, the Navy veteran is in a tight spot having had to stand by President Wickremesinghe in Parliament as the party ponders over its next move. Can Weerasekera back Wickremesinghe at the next presidential poll knowing very well that it was the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe Yahapalana administration that betrayed the war winning military at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)?
The SLPP is in such a desperate situation, the once formidable party is unlikely to attract any new retired military personnel. The ruling party is aware that the ex-military is largely divided between the JVP/JJB and the SJB with the former being the major beneficiary.
There is no doubt that the SLPP is also worried about President Wickremesinghe’s strategy vis-à-vis retired military men. People have forgotten that one of the major accusations directed at the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had been that he favoured the ex-military. The retired Lieutenant Colonel and former Commanding Officer of the celebrated first battalion of the Gajaba Regiment was flayed for accommodating ex-military in top government jobs.
Many believed the UNP leader would change Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s system. The President proved that he didn’t intend to do so. Three retired service chiefs Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Air Marshal Sudarshana Pathirana and Admiral Nishantha Ulugetenne received appointment as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Islamabad, Kathmandu and Havana, respectively.
Air Marshal Pathirana, who had been a successful jet pilot and the Commander of the Air Force, and Admiral Ulugetenne, the Commander of the Navy at the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa faced the public protest campaign, whereas Admiral Wijegunaratne served as Chairman of the CPC during Wickremesinghe’s tenure. In addition, he functioned as the Chairman of Trinco Petroleum Terminal (Pvt) Ltd. (TPTL), Lanka Indian Oil Company’s (LIOC) joint venture with the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) for the development of 61 tanks in the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm in China Bay.
Defence Secretary Gen. Kamal Gunaratne and Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Shavendra Silva remain in their posts. One of the few Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointees who had to leave the position (Chairman, Airport and Aviation) was Maj. Gen. G.A. Chandrasiri, one-time Governor of the Northern Province and a key Viyathgama activist.
Impact of Geneva allegations
on national polls
The war crimes issue is very much unlikely to receive attention of the electorate at the next national level elections. Having failed to counter Geneva allegations during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency (Nov 2019-July 2022), the party shouldn’t waste time trying to deceive the electorate that it would save the military from unsubstantiated war crimes accusations.
Instead of systematically addressing issues, possibly let down by the relevant government machinery as happened during much of the war, the Rajapaksa administration ended up pulling wool over the eyes of the public by declaring it withdrew from the Geneva process. The declaration was made by the then Foreign Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, in early 2020, and, since then, Geneva has tightened its grip on Sri Lanka.
Contrary to various bombastic declarations made by the SLPP, war crimes allegations hadn’t been addressed at all. Instead, President Wickremesinghe has taken advantage of his return to power by taking tangible measures to establish an independent commission for truth, unity and reconciliation. Preparatory work is underway in this regard. The proposed parliamentary Act will be primarily based on the findings/recommendations of the Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms, established during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019).
However, the issue is very much unlikely to attract public attention or be a major topic in political platforms for obvious reasons.
The ex-military can pressure political parties to address Geneva allegations as the country faced the threat of continuing external interventions until the government of the day set the record straight. Unfortunately, none of the senior retired military personnel are likely to speak on behalf of the war-winning military.
Nationalistic factor
Of the retired military personnel, General Jagath Dias is perhaps the senior most officer who had thrown his weight behind the nationalistic cause. The Gajaba Regiment veteran has declared his opposition to the Provincial Councils system, based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, and, in fact, questioned the draft Constitution put out by a nine-member committee, headed by Romesh de Silva, PC.
Gen. Dias, the Commanding Officer of the 57 Division that had been tasked to regain Kilinochchi during the Eelam War IV, had been also critical of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s performance as the President.
It would be interesting to see whether the nationalistic group can attract the ex-military in significant numbers. Such a scenario is implausible in the absence of pre-polls consensus between nationalistic groups and any political party.
Against the backdrop of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s predicament, the SLPP is not in a position to exploit the armed forces’ triumph over separatist Tamil terrorism, 15 years ago.
Gen. Dias captured media attention last year not only for taking a public stand against the 13th Amendment that had been forced on Sri Lanka by New Delhi but moving court against President Wickremesinghe’s much disputed decision to release state land, around the historical Kurundi temple, in the former LTTE bastion, the Mullaitivu District.
The former Army Chief of Staff Dias and two other retired officers, Brigadier Athula Hemachandra de Silva and Lt. Col. Anil Sumeda Amarasekera petitioned the Court of Appeal in this regard. The petitioners sought to prevent the government from removing the boundary stones already planted by the Presidential Task Force for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province.
The ex-military, under any circumstances, cannot forget how the SJB MPs behaved when they represented the UNP during Eelam War IV. The UNP ridiculed the war effort. UNPers repeatedly questioned the capability and capacity of the armed forces to eradicate the LTTE. The main Opposition party at that time believed in the LTTE prowess. The moment the UNP regained power, following the 2015 presidential poll, it betrayed the country’s armed forces at the UNHRC in the most shameful manner. The UNP’s partner in crime, the SLFP, allowed the UNP to go ahead with its despicable project. That is the ugly truth the ex-military shouldn’t forget.
Actually, none of the post-war governments made a genuine effort to counter war crimes propaganda thereby facilitating external interventions. All administrations, including the war-winning government cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for failing to set the record straight.
Midweek Review
Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations
Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.
The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.
There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.
Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.
Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.
The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.
The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.
The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.
Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.
It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.
Sarah Jasmine factor
Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.
One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.
The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.
There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’
There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.
Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.
Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.
The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.
They highlighted the following points:
• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.
• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.
• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.
• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.
• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.
Ex-IGP’s statement
In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.
The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.
Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.
Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.
At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.
According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”
No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.
Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.
Political factors
There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.
The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.
In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.
This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.
In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.
The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.
Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.
The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare
Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power
Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.
Shakespeare and the Human Condition
Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.
Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.
I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.
Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory
It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.
“…This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be remember’d.
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition …”
Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.
Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption
In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.
Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.
Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.
Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.
Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.
In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.
Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal
The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]
Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.
Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.
Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].
In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.
The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].
Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.
Shakespeare and the Modern World
Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.
Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.
We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.
Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.
Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.
Conclusion
Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.
by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]
Midweek Review
Stubbornly Staying Posers
Forty three years and counting,
Big posers remain unanswered –
For instance, couldn’t the state,
See the bloodletting coming,
When restive young hands of the North,
Opted for the gun and not the ballot?
Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,
Would only lead to a wasting conflict,
Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,
Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,
And dumped in graves still being opened?
That hands of good will and friendship,
Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,
Over the divide that was seen as enduring,
Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?
Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,
Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?
By Lynn Ockersz
-
Features6 days agoTwo memorable excerpts from a former SLAF commander’s memoir
-
Business6 days ago‘Giving up was never an option’: The fisherman who fought back after losing millions in SL
-
Latest News7 days agoDavis cup Asia/Oceania Group IV 2026 to be held in Colombo from 20th to 25th July
-
Life style6 days agoTaste of the Swiss Alps comes to Colombo
-
Features6 days agoErdoğan’s New Republic
-
Midweek Review3 days agoThree high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations
-
News3 days agoCustoms asked to resume probe or face legal action
-
Editorial4 days agoWelcome bid to tackle rolling death traps
