Opinion
Nalin de Silva, his world and our worlds
It is hard to think of any Sri Lankan academic who has been vilified the way Nalin Kumar De Silva was. Nalin was not averse to calling out his ideological opponents and not in very polite terms either, but all those epithets essentially boiled down to ‘Pawns of the West,’ nothing more. He was, on the other hand, called racist, chauvinist and warmonger. Some, who obviously were clueless about ‘nation’ would call him ‘nationalist’ as though that was some kind of four-letter word.
There were others who referred to Nalin and his ideological comrade Gunadasa Amarasekera as ‘native intellectuals.’ They probably didn’t understand the word ‘intellect’ and its derivatives. I believe it was Nalin or maybe it was Gunadasa who observed that the term implied ‘international intellectuals.’ Perhaps those who called them ‘native intellectuals’ did so to confer upon themselves the tag ‘international intellectual’ but the very use of the term disqualified them, obviously. Pawns they were and are, Nalin believed.
The more informed, less threatened and less malicious referred to him as one of the two top ideologues of what was known as the ‘Jathika Chinthanaya School’ (the other being Gunadasa). No one has really succeeded in translating ‘Jathika Chinthanaya’ into English. ‘National Ideology’ somehow seems crude and erroneous. Those who subscribed to this school of thought, however, knew. They had a sense.
Nalin passed away in California, USA just a few hours before I started writing this. The final rites will be held from 1 to 5 pm (PST) on Sunday, May 5 at Fremont Blvd, Fremont. It is probably too soon to offer a comprehensive review of his work, as a teacher, political activist and thinker. It has to be mostly anecdotal but maybe that’s all I can do, not having associated with him closely.
Like most people who ‘knew’ Nalin, knowledge came mostly from reading what he has written. ‘Magey Lokaya’ (My world), probably the essay that best captures his theoretical explorations, is probably one of the most influential political treatises of the late 20th century. There were other books which addressed what was dubbed ‘The ethnic conflict’ where Nalin cogently tore apart the creative historiography of Eelamists and their apologists who had many axes to grind with the Sinhalese and/or Buddhists. In addition there were innumerable articles published weekly in the Divaina, Vidusara and later in the Midweek Review of ‘The Island.’ I’ll come to those later.
The first time I met him was when I went to see my friend and teacher Arjuna Parakrama. This was in the early 1990s. We were walking towards the ‘Open Canteen’ of the Colombo University when we ran into Nalin. Apparently the two had agreed to a debate. Arjuna said something about the logistics and added, ‘we must make sure we don’t become pawns of other people.’ Nalin muttered something with a laugh and walked away. Arjuna had heard: ‘he said I am a pawn.’ Arjuna didn’t take it as an insult. I don’t know if the debate did take place, but Arjuna told me years later that Nalin had acknowledged that he, Arjuna, was a good trade unionist. This was when Nalin had been suspended by the university.
My first one-on-one encounter happened in the late nineties. I was a student in the USA at the time and had written to Nalin. I was politically associated with the ‘Janatha Mithuro’ then and felt that Nalin’s ongoing clashes with Champika Ranawaka were unnecessary. I mentioned this. Nalin replied. He was ‘soft’ in the criticism. He merely stated, ‘No one disputes that Champika is very bright, but he should acknowledge the source of his ideas.
’ Champika, after he disassociated himself from the JVP-led student movement, was one of the prominent acolytes of Nalin’s ‘Chinthana Parshadaya.’ Convinced that a political movement and not a forum to discuss ideological/philosophical matters was what was needed, he, along with other young people who had become skeptical about Marxism, launched first the Ratawesi Peramuna and later the Janatha Mithuro. Nalin was one of their strongest critics.
I met him next at the Divaina editorial office. It must have been in 2001. I was working at the Sunday Island but enjoyed spending an hour or two at the Divaina. One day I saw Nalin and after saying hello, asked him if he had come to hand over an article. What follows is the rough English translation of what he told me in Sinhala. ‘No Malinda. You know, it’s a small amount that they pay me, but it is not small for me; even so it is irregular.’ It was the only income he had at the time.
In 2006 in Celigny, Switzerland, at a media opportunity just prior to the commencement of talks between the Government and the LTTE, I casually asked Jehan Perera of the National Peace Council who happened to be there, ‘how many people could you get to Lipton Circus for a protest if you didn’t have funding?’ Jehan, ideologically at odds with me though he was, offered an honest response: ‘probably none.’
That was the difference. The NGOs had bucks. They had, in 2002, a government committed to federalism and a president who was not in disagreement. They had both the private and state media at their disposal. The nationalists had Nalin and a few others.
The 1990s were all about federalism. Those opposed to federalism were called warmongers, racists and chauvinists. Nalin got a lot of that. And yet, after it had led to the ridiculous Ceasefire Agreement signed on February 22, 2002 and the consequent pantomime of ‘peace’ talks, federalism became a joke. The UPFA routed the UNP in April 2004 and Mahinda Rajapaksa pipped Ranil Wickremesinghe at the presidential election the following year, admittedly with some help from the LTTE which called for a boycott, probably costing Ranil the election.
That turn around in the fortunes of the nationalists may have surprised the Anglicized sections of the population, but what they probably never understood is the role played by Nalin, Gunadasa and others for well over two decades countering every lie of the Eelsmists, their apologists and other colonial remnants who can’t get enough of the English and English.
Several years later, in a new political avatar where he spoke of the bodisatva ‘Natha Deyyo,’ inviting much ridicule and invective, paradoxically from those who fervently believe in a creator god, immaculate conception, rising from the dead and so on, Nalin wrote ‘Batahira vidyava saha deviyo (Western science and god).’ I was invited to speak at the launch, as was Prof Carlo Fonseka.
Carlo, as irrepressible as Nalin, opted to focus on a chapter that the author had suggested he avoid. Nalin, responding, completely refuted Carlo. He had said, in Sinhala, ‘I didn’t want to do that to him; I knew I would have to if he chose to focus on that chapter; he did and I had no choice but to take him apart.’
In retrospect one could argue that Nalin should have avoided supporting politicians and political parties, but those moments hardly make a dent in the enormous contributions he has made to the political and ideological discourse in and on post Independence Sri Lanka. At worst, his texts need to be engaged with. Indeed, his detractors cannot but have a conversation with his works.
Nalin, for all his lectures on the chathuskotikaya (in opposition to the dvikotiyaka or the dialectic) was eminently dialectic in his political engagements, possibly a habit acquired during his Trotskyite days which he failed to shed after he felt Marxism was an inadequate and even erroneous doctrine. This is probably why he was often ‘in your fact’ with political and ideological opponents and found it hard to work with and develop a group of like-minded thinkers/activists. Again, this is hardly a serious crime. To me, anyway, he was an exceptional thinker and an influencer unlike any other over the past 40 years.
Nalin was indefatigable. He was all over the newspapers and when social media became fashionable he adapted quickly, writing daily posts using language appropriate to this new media culture. His last post was just a few days ago; in fact he mentioned that he was unwell and will not be writing for a few days. He won’t write again but he’s written so much that it would take years for anyone to go through the full corpus of his writings. He was, in his writing and his engagements, relentless.
May his sojourn through Sansara be brief.
Malinda Seneviratne
Opinion
Jeffrey: Cartoonist par excellence
If there exists a print media personality who does not receive the due recognition and appreciation he rightfully deserves, it undoubtedly is ‘Jeffrey’ of The Island newspaper. The works of many a journalist have been frequently highlighted and appreciated but the capabilities and efficiency of personnel of the calibre of ‘Jeffrey ‘ are, more or less, taken for granted.
In every sphere of life, professional or occupational, there are people who function, not necessarily from behind the scenes, but nevertheless perform an equally efficient service, which in all probability goes unnoticed.
To be frank, even before reading the headlines of the Newspaper, as is customary now, my eyes seek for the Cartoon of the day. Indeed, a sight for sore eyes each morning, the lovable ‘Jeffrey’ makes my day.
Suffice to say that a ‘Good Job done man’ type of occasional pat on the back, to a person who puts his very soul into his work, would touch the only place where it matters the most – his heart. If a smile could work wonders, then how much further would a word of appreciation go.
‘Jeffrey ‘ has, time and again through his cartoons, aptly proven his innovative and creative skills to present factual depiction of current affairs, both local and global. His drawing pen effortlessly covers all boundaries, irrespective of whatever nature. On a previous occasion, too, I have openly commended his abilities, finding it difficult to fathom how he could convey pertinent incidents, normally requiring hundreds of words to express, with a single drawing.
To all intents and purposes, ‘Jeffrey ‘ ranks much higher and could be considered as a rare find when compared with the numerous others actively engaged in this particular field of professionalism.
In ‘Jeffrey ‘, The Island newspaper indeed has a Cartoonist par excellence!
Jeffrey, more power to your elbow!
WILLIAM PHILLIPSZ
Opinion
Anti-aging injection shows promise in re-growing knee cartilage
Scientists at Stanford Medicine have reported a discovery that could change how arthritis and joint damage are treated. In experiments on animals and human tissue, researchers found that blocking a protein linked to aging can restore worn cartilage in the knee and prevent arthritis after injury. The treatment works not by adding stem cells, but by reprogramming existing cartilage cells to behave in a more youthful way.
In aging mice, an injectable drug rebuilt knee cartilage that normally thins with age. In mice with knee injuries similar to anterior cruciate ligament tears, the same treatment prevented the onset of arthritis, a condition that often follows such injuries in humans. A pill form of the drug is already being tested in early clinical trials for age-related muscle weakness, raising hopes that a similar approach could one day be used for joints.
Human knee cartilage removed during joint replacement surgery also responded to the treatment. When exposed to the drug in the laboratory, the tissue began forming new cartilage that resembled healthy, functional joint cartilage. These findings suggest that cartilage lost to aging or arthritis might eventually be restored through injections into the joint or even oral medication, potentially reducing the need for knee and hip replacements.
Osteoarthritis affects about one in five adults in the United States and costs tens of billions of dollars annually in direct health care spending. Despite its prevalence, there is no drug that can stop or reverse the disease. Current treatment focuses on pain relief, physical therapy and, in advanced cases, joint replacement surgery.
The new therapy targets a protein known as 15-PGDH, which increases in the body with age. The research team classifies it as a gerozyme, a type of enzyme that contributes to the gradual decline of tissue function over time. Previous work from the same group showed that rising levels of 15-PGDH weaken muscles with age. Blocking the protein restored muscle strength and endurance in older mice, while forcing young mice to produce it caused muscle loss.
Unlike muscle, bone or blood, cartilage does not rely on stem cells to repair itself. Instead, cartilage cells called chondrocytes can change their gene activity. By inhibiting 15-PGDH, researchers found that these cells reverted to a more youthful state and began producing healthy cartilage again.
“This is a new way of regenerating adult tissue, and it has significant clinical promise for treating arthritis due to aging or injury,” said Helen Blau, professor of microbiology and immunology at Stanford and a senior author of the study.
There are three main types of cartilage in the body. Elastic cartilage forms flexible structures like the outer ear. Fibrocartilage is tough and shock absorbing, found between spinal vertebrae. Hyaline cartilage, also called articular cartilage, is smooth and glossy and allows joints such as the knees, hips and shoulders to move with minimal friction. Osteoarthritis mainly affects this last type.
The disease develops when joints are stressed by aging, injury or excess weight. Chondrocytes begin releasing inflammatory molecules and breaking down collagen, the main structural protein of cartilage. As collagen is lost, cartilage thins and softens, leading to pain, swelling and stiffness. Articular cartilage rarely regenerates on its own, and attempts to find stem cells capable of rebuilding it have largely failed.
In the new study, researchers compared knee cartilage from young and old mice and found that levels of 15-PGDH roughly doubled with age. When older mice were treated with a drug that blocks the protein, either throughout the body or directly in the joint, their knee cartilage thickened and regained function. Importantly, the new tissue was true hyaline cartilage rather than weaker fibrocartilage.
The results were equally striking in injured joints. In mice with ligament injuries, repeated injections over four weeks sharply reduced the likelihood of developing arthritis. Untreated animals showed high levels of 15-PGDH and developed arthritis within weeks. Treated animals moved more normally and placed more weight on the injured limb.
Detailed analysis showed that the treatment shifted the balance of cartilage cells. Cells associated with inflammation and cartilage breakdown became less common, while cells responsible for producing healthy joint cartilage increased markedly. This change occurred without the involvement of stem cells.
When human osteoarthritic cartilage was treated in the laboratory for one week, similar changes were observed. Levels of harmful gene activity fell, and signs of cartilage regeneration appeared.
The findings are encouraging but still early. While safety trials of a 15-PGDH inhibitor for muscle weakness have shown promising results, clinical trials focused on cartilage regeneration have yet to begin. Even so, researchers are optimistic.
“Imagine regrowing existing cartilage and avoiding joint replacement,” Blau said. For millions living with joint pain and stiffness, that possibility now seems closer than ever.
Opinion
Why is transparency underfunded?
The RTI Commission has now confirmed what many suspected — although the RTI Act grants it independence to recruit staff, this authority is rendered toothless because the Treasury controls the purse strings. The Commission is left operating with inadequate manpower, limiting its institutional growth even as it struggles to meet rising public demand for information.
This raises an uncomfortable question: if the Treasury can repeatedly allocate billions to loss-making State-Owned Enterprises — some of which continue to hemorrhage public funds without reform — why is adequate funding for the RTI Commission treated as optional?
Strengthening transparency is not a luxury. It is the foundation of good governance. Every rupee spent on effective oversight helps prevent many more rupees being wasted through inefficiency, misuse, or opaque decision-making.
In such a context, can one really fault those who argue that restricting the Commission’s resources conveniently limits disclosures that may prove politically inconvenient? Whether deliberate or not, the outcome is the same: weaker accountability, reduced public scrutiny, and a system where opacity is easier than openness.
If the government is serious about reform, it must start by funding the institutions that keep it honest. Investing in RTI is not an expense — it is a safeguard for the public purse and the public trust.
A Concerned Citizen – Moratuwa
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