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My Memories of The Rt. Revd. Lakshman Wickremesinghe (1927 – 1983)

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Rt. Revd. Lakshman Wickremesinghe

Tissa Jayatilaka wrote this article which was published on Sept. 20, 2013. It is reproduced on account of the Bishop’s 40th death anniversary which fell on Oct. 23.

Thirty years have passed by since we experienced three significant events in the recent history of our country. Coincidentally July 23, September and October of 1983 are yoked together in our memory. What we have come to identify as “Black July” of Sri Lanka, when unarmed Tamil citizens were attacked and killed by goons associated with leading members of the Government of Sri Lanka of the time, began on July 23, 1983. Two months later on September 23, one of Sri Lanka’s finest sons spoke sincerely, eloquently, passionately and apologetically about our national tragedy focusing on ‘Black July’ when he addressed his diocese in Kurunegala, in what turned out to be his last Pastoral Address. A month later on October 23, that marvelous son of Sri Lanka lay dead. I refer to the late Bishop Cyril Lakshman Wickremesinghe and write these several inadequate words to remember him with love and gratitude on this thirtieth anniversary of that insightful Pastoral Address.

Lakshman Wickremesinghe, one of four children of Cyril Leonard and Esme Wickremesinghe, was born on March 24, 1927 and died on October 23, 1983. A brilliant product of Royal College, Colombo, the young Lakshman distinguished himself both in the classroom and on the playing fields there carrying away almost every school prize on offer and winning his ‘colours’ in rugger and athletics. Securing a First in Political Science from the University of Ceylon, he went to Oxford and after a few years of study at that ancient university, moved to Ely Theological College in Ely, Cambridgeshire. He was ordained a priest in England where he gained training and experience in parish work after ordination. Returning home to Ceylon, he did a few years of parish work in Mutwal before moving to Peradeniya where he served as the much loved and respected Anglican Chaplain of the University of Ceylon from 1958 to 1962.

The Revd. Lakshman Wickremesinghe was consecrated Bishop of the Kurunegala Diocese in 1962 by his illustrious predecessor Bishop Lakdasa de Mel, prior to the latter’s move to Calcutta on his being appointed Metropolitan of the Province of India, Pakistan, Burma and Ceylon.

I first heard of Bishop Lakshman from my grandaunt Soma Kumari Samarasinha, the first Ceylonese principal (1946 to 1964) of Hillwood College, the leading Anglican girls’ school in Kandy. From 1962 onwards until her retirement two years later, Mrs. Samarasinha worked closely with Bishop Lakshman in guiding the destinies of Hillwood. He was a frequent and welcome visitor to the Hillwood principal’s bungalow during this period.

My acquaintance with Bishop Lakshman deepened after his nephew Rajiva Wijesinha and I became colleagues and friends while we were both fellow-teachers in the Department of English at Peradeniya. Rajiva stayed at my home when he came up to Peradeniya and he reciprocated my hospitality by inviting me to stay at his parental home Lakmahal, the Wickremesinghe- Wijesinha residence on Alfred House Road in Kollupitiya. During my visits to Lakmahal, I had occasion to meet Bishop Lakshman in a more intimate setting as he dropped in, whenever in Colombo, to see his mother Esme, sister Muktha, brother-in-law Sam Wijesinha and family.

As the years went by, I got to know other facets of the many-layered personality of Bishop Lakshman as he was a close friend of my senior Peradeniya colleagues and intimate friends, Ian Goonetileke and Kingsley (K.M.) de Silva. Bishop Lakshman was a regular visitor to the Goonetileke and de Silva households in Peradeniya. Quite literally and metaphorically, Peradeniya was Bishop Lakshman’s spiritual home. Thanks to Ian and Kingsley, I not only got to know Bishop Lakshman better but I also got to know of him better during the mid-to-late 1970s.

Messrs. Goonetileke and de Silva educated me in particular on Bishop Lakshman’s principled opposition to opportunistic politics and his immense capacity to ‘talk truth to power’. He was a fearless champion of all that ennobles humanity. He used to refer to Ian and Roslin Goonetileke’s Upper Hantane home as the Saloon initially and later as the Aramaya. From around 1975 onward, Ian began to grow disillusioned with university life due to the increased politicization of university administration. The rot begun by I.M.R.A. Iriyagolle in the 1965 – 1970 era was now deepening in the post – April 1971 setting. Although born and baptized a Christian, Ian had moved away from the church and in later life was not a practicing Christian. Bishop Lakshman, who shared most of Ian’s political convictions, was most interested in supporting Ian in his political stances while remaining even more interested in getting Ian back to the Christian fold. I wish to quote from some of Bishop Lakshman’s letters to Ian that shed light on both of the above factors- – political collaboration and the possible securing of Ian’s return to his spiritual base. Here is an extract from a letter Bishop Lakshman wrote to Ian on September, 12, 1975:

Your article on Ananda Coomaraswamy was a sheer delight to read – “quintessence Ian”! I am also happy at a more fundamental level that you have so much in common with Coomaraswamy, have slowly moved towards an orientation to and experience of the Transcendent, which is also engendering an interior purification within you. I have always hoped and prayed that in your own way and in your own time you will return to the Source!

The concluding paragraph of Bishop Lakshman’s letter addresses Ian’s disquiet about the quality of life in Peradeniya of the mid-seventies:

I hope you stand the strain by God’s grace in the days to come. All I can [say] is that a very important ‘light’ (representing our way of life and thought) in Peradeniya will be extinguished, if you have to depart.

Nearly five years pass by. At the end of much soul-searching Ian has now taken the painful decision to take early retirement and leave his beloved Peradeniya. In a letter quoted below in full from Lakmahal (obviously on a visit to his parental home in Colombo) dated March 23, 1980 Bishop Lakshman writes:

My dear Ian & Roslin,

This is a brief note before I leave for a week in New Delhi (in the company of Bala Tampoe) to wish you both for your anniversary tomorrow. My prayers avail for you as you prepare to leave for a new abode, and detach yourselves with great difficulty, from the sylvan abode of Upper Hantane. Anicca vata sankhara!

This is my last letter to you addressed to the ‘Saloon’ later turned into an ‘Aramaya’, the scene of so many memories of people, events/happenings and culinary delicacies enjoyed in the midst of quiet reflections on the currents of life in society.

I am reminded of some lines of an Indian poet [Bano Tahira Sayeed] who is in the tradition of Tagore, thinking of your house/saloon/aramaya:

You are a delicious reminder of my past. I envy you your permanence. I, myself, am a mirror of life’s jolts and jerks.

I am that gold which is in the process of purification in the furnace, I am a candle, burning and scattering light, I am a portrait of life itself, Unlike you, who are a ghost of my past.

You have been facing life’s jolts and jerks recently, and to my mind being purified, and being burnt to scatter light in the days to come .

My constant prayer for you has been this and will be always until the shadows lengthen, the busy world is hushed and the fever of life is over:

Lord, teach me to accept your bewildering ways. In my poignant pain, amid deprivation and denial Show me your hidden but all-embracing love.

With my deep gratitude and undimmed affectionLakshman

Bishop Lakshman and Ian Goonetileke continued to see eye to eye on politics until the end of their earthly lives. Ian, however, despite Bishop Lakshman’s best efforts, died without regaining his lost belief in institutionalized religion.

Ian’s obituary consequent to the sudden death of Bishop Lakshman is reflective of the close friendship he shared with the late Bishop:

He [Bishop Lakshman] wore the purple sash to the manner born but it was never allowed to restrict his passionate concerns for the human condition. When he died he had almost certainly begun to embody the rare and splendid fusion between thought and action, religion and politics, because he had realized, not without struggle, that spiritual emancipation must, in the last analysis, rely almost exclusively on the liberation of man as a political animal. His final message [Pastoral Address of September 23, 1983] bears abundant testimony to the unswerving addiction to the voice of his moral conscience in the thick of contradictions.

My wife (a practicing Buddhist) and I (an extinct Christian) have lost a trusted, cherished and compassionate comrade, always willing to chance his arm in defense of the teetering conscience or the clouded sensibility. For nearly a quarter century until 1980 he was a frequent visitor in our Peradeniya home, and his arrival (announced or unannounced) was sufficient to clear the air of moral ambiguities and environmental wounds. He brought with him cleansing vistas of beauty, strength, symmetry and a balanced joy, and mundane problems melted before the alchemy of his swiftly directed common sense and a clinical, though, impish humour.

Bishop Lakshman’s influence was widespread and extended way beyond his diocese and Sri Lanka. He sought to indigenise the Anglican Church confining himself to Christianity in the Indian region, specifically to its Hindu and Buddhist context. In a lecture titled Christianity Moving Eastwards that he delivered at The House of Saints Gregory and Macrina at Oxford in May 1983, Bishop Lakshman spelt out his personal vision:

Many years ago I left Oxford and England, and taking the advice of

the Buddha, I went in search of myself as a Christian who was rooted

in the Sri Lankan ethos. In his sermon to certain agitated princes and

princesses, the Buddha had observed that it was more valuable to go

in search of oneself than in search of lost ornaments (whether they be

metal or mental). Mine has been a long and painful search. By the grace

of God I have been able to find my identity as a Sri Lankan Christian, and

in doing so, to share the company of those who have been seeking the Indian

face of Christianity. The result has been what Clement envisaged for the Gnostic

Christian – – a more mature and authentic faith in Christ Jesus.

He was an active member of the Kurunegala group of Amnesty International, through which he worked for victims of human rights violations throughout the world irrespective of political or religious considerations. He was a founder member of the Christian Workers Fellowship (CWF) that came into being in the late 1950s, a movement built mainly through a lay initiative to show the relevance of the Christian gospel in the midst of social change. He played a leading role in the establishment (November 1971) and furtherance of the national Civil Rights Movement serving as its Chairman from 1978 for a few years.

In addition to Sevaka Yohan Devananda, Bishop Lakshman was a close friend of three well known activist clergymen – Fr. Tissa Balasuriya, Fr. Paul Caspersz and Fr. Aloysius Peiris, founders respectively of the Centre for Society and Religion, Satyodaya and Tulana. He identified himself with the work and mission of these organizations.

Among Bishop Lakshman’s outstanding leadership qualities was his ability to bring different individuals and organizations together to build consensus and a unity of purpose. He was thereby able to get together several Christian organizations of different denominations involved in development and human rights activities to form the movement of “Christians in the Struggle for Justice”.Significantly the first meeting of this movement was held at Bishop’s House, Kurunegala, on Hartal Day, August 12, 1982.

In a similar vein, Bishop Lakshman was also a great believer in inter – faith dialogue. He was a very close associate of the late Ven. Dr. Kotagama Vacchissara Thero, Professor of Buddhist Philosophy at the Vidyodaya University (now the University of Sri Jayewardenepura). The latter’s untimely death, like the former’s later on, was a significant loss to the progressive movement of our country. Both Bishop Lakshman and his father were regular visitors to the Temple of the Ven. Revata Thero, one-time Atamasthandadipathi (Chief Priest of eight sacred places) at Anuradhapura.

The Ven. Sangharakkhita Thero, Isurumuni Viharadipathi and Chief Sangha Nayake of Nuwara Kalaviya also knew Bishop Lakshman intimately. The Isurumuni Viharadhipathi attended Bishop Lakshman’s funeral in Colombo as well as the religious ceremony held for the interment of his ashes in the Kurunegala Cathedral during which event the Ven. Sangharakkhita delivered an oration. Bishop Lakshman helped in founding the Vimukthi Dharma Kendra (The Liberation Doctrine Centre), an organization for dialogue among the four major religions of Sri Lanka, Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity and Islam, devoted to the theme of social liberation.

All of these manifold activities in Bishop Lakshman’s search for truth and justice must surely have come at a significant price. He must have endured many a moment of agonized soul searching in his spiritual and political journey. He came from an affluent and privileged ‘upper class’ family that was heavily committed to the establishment and status quo, and Bishop Lakshman, like any normal human being, had a deep-seated attachment to and affection for his family. Some of his political actions based on ‘indigenous Marxist socialism’ (see his D.T. Niles Memorial Lecture titled Living in Christ with People delivered in Bangalore, India in 1981, for details) that he subscribed to, so at variance with his family culture, would certainly have caused more than ripples in the family pond.

Yet he soldiered on undeterred and unfazed. Bishop Lakshman’s enormous strength of character and integrity and the mutual understanding that he and his family shared made possible his maintenance of a fine balance between family commitment and personal conviction. Bishop Lakshman was a man of ‘unyielding convictions’ as he once described himself and there were occasions when he refused to compromise. The tribute paid to Bishop Lakshman on his passing by the Christian Workers Fellowship illustrates the above aspects of his personality:

As a priest and bishop, Bishop Lakshman provided a prophetic and courageous witness to the truly human values of our country, and to the centrality of his struggle for total liberation. Though from an affluent family, he deeply identified himself with the poor workers and peasants of Sri Lanka.

No account of Bishop Lakshman’s life and work will be complete without reference to his deep concern for the Tamil citizens of Sri Lanka and his robust involvement with the fight for justice for our fellow-citizens. Like his struggle with his loyalty to his family on the one hand and his devotion to personal conviction on the other referred to above, Bishop Lakshman’s toil for justice for the Tamils of Sri Lanka was a complex endeavour. He was acutely aware of the many deprivations the marginalized Sinhala peasantry in particular had suffered over the centuries and the many tribulations they continued to labour under.

He was conscious of and receptive to the deep-seated cultural problem of the Sinhala Buddhists in their effort to maintain their identity. He recognized that the Buddhist Sinhalese do not want the dominant culture of Sri Lanka to be either a variation of Dravidian culture or a pale imitation of western culture, either in its religions or secularized form. Where he differed from the majority of the Buddhist Sinhalese, however, was in his conviction that in the final integration of our country, the minorities have a real place as have minority cultures.

Hence Bishop Lakshman’s reaching out to the Tamils was indicative of his quest for human justice. He cared deeply for all human beings from all backgrounds, from all over the world, transcending man-made barriers of ethnicity and class. He was a regular visitor to Jaffna, to the plantation areas in the central highlands and to the eastern province.

His passionate concern for the Tamils of Sri Lanka find expression in a significant talk Bishop Lakshman gave in 1976, the year in which the United Left Front Government (1970 – 1977), under various pretexts, was trying to postpone the general elections then due. The title of that talk was Elections and Christians and whilst challenging the calculated move of the then Government, Bishop Lakshman in the course of that talk also touched on the national political need to redress the grievances of the Tamil citizens of Sri Lanka. He reiterated the need to –

ensure that Sinhala [political] parties give more attention to redress the grievances of the exploited and destitute mainly Tamil estate workers. On many estates, their living conditions are sub-human. Recent Land Reform measures introduced to benefit the landless Sinhala peasantry, have resulted in [Tamil] workers being banished from some estates and becoming destitute. Party manifestos must provide some solution to this issue, and not avoid it because it is an unpleasant and unprofitable matter among the Sinhala voters. It is important that we recognize that persons of Indian origin also have basic human rights, which require state aid.

He then refers to the need for a ‘regional transfer of power and resources’ from the centre to the periphery:

… There is the issue of the Jaffna or Sri Lanka Tamils. They demand transfer or devolution of power and resources from the Sinhala-dominated central government, so that they may have the opportunity to develop their minority community in their traditional territory. To condemn their demand for a separate state and allege their close links with Tamilnadu, is to ignore their main grievance.

If they are not permitted to develop their minority interests in Sinhala territory, they want the space to do so in their homelands. If the Sinhala people want to safeguard their territory against inroads by this Tamil minority, they must accede to their alternative demand! I would like to see all party manifestos dealing creatively with this legitimate demand for a regional transfer of power and resources, under the aegis of the Sinhala – dominated central government. It is a basic human right, we must recognize.

Bishop Lakshman was, as we know, a most perceptive and sensible human being. He thus concluded his talk by hoping that ‘what I consider ethically desirable, will be politically possible’. Alas, no political leader of Sri Lanka has yet been able to make Bishop Lakshman’s vision for Sri Lanka a reality. I am convinced that Bishop Lakshman died eventually more of a broken heart than of a heart attack given his lack of success, try as hard as he did, to bring about reconciliation and harmony among the different ethnic groups of our island home.

Bishop Lakshman’s final message also focused closely on the Sinhala – Tamil conflict. His fragile health coupled with over-work brought on a heart ailment that in turn made it necessary for him to rest and recuperate. On his recovery, he took a sabbatical in Birmingham, England. Cutting short his sabbatical, he returned home in August 1983 after the awful ethnic violence of July.

Disregarding his personal wellbeing, Bishop Lakshman sought to comfort the afflicted. He visited his clergy and people – especially the Tamils among them — in the Kandy and Matale areas where the harm caused to the Tamils was extensive. He visited the ‘refugee camps’ in these areas and then went to Jaffna by train. In between his criss-crossing the country, he rushed to a Meeting of the Christian Conference of Asia (CCA) in Singapore. Having gone around the island, met people and familiarized himself with all that had happened in Sri Lanka in his absence, he began to prepare his Pastoral Address to the Diocesan Council to be delivered on September 23, 1983. The primary focus of his Address, as noted above, was the predicament of the Tamils of Sri Lanka, the upheaval of July 1983 and the resultant national crisis.

At the Diocesan Council, at which the above- referenced Pastoral Address was given, a resolution was bought forward on the “Tamil Problem”. This resolution which included an apology by the Sinhala people to the Tamils, was passed by an overwhelming majority. Incidentally he was the first Sinhala citizen of public standing who first offered a public apology to the Tamils for the atrocities committed against them in July 1983. Observing that we must admit the fact that the massive retaliation mainly by the Sinhalese against defenseless Tamils cannot be justified on moral grounds, Bishop Lakshman wanted us to acknowledge our shame. He then went on to say:

And we must do so for the right reasons. It is not enough to be ashamed for the reason that inhuman passions enslaved a section of the Sinhalese for a short period. Nor must we be ashamed because our sense of moral outrage will improve our image abroad. We must be ashamed as Sinhalese for the moral crime other Sinhalese have committed.

Acknowledgement of our shame had, Bishop Lakshman noted, to be accompanied by our apology to those Tamils who were unjustified victims of the massive retaliation. It is only by such a sincere apology that ‘we shall also recover our moral and religious values’. In the course of his Address, Bishop Lakshman also admitted that;

I am among those who have tried hard and failed [to bring about national unity]. But I know and trust in God, who is ever creative in bringing good out of evil.

And he concluded his Address with the words of the late D.T. Niles:

Hope in God arises out of the ruins of our expectations.

Bishop Lakshman died a month after he delivered his September 23, 1983 Pastoral Address substantiating and illustrating for the final time, his tremendous moral clarity and splendid vision. Sadly, and tragically, our expectations for a just and fair Sri Lanka continue to remain unrealized thanks to the obtuseness of the current Government and those from all parties – – political and otherwise – – in the Sinhala establishment who openly or tacitly support the status quo.

Hope in us was briefly rekindled after the brutal internecine war with the Tamil Tigers ended in May 2009, but efforts at a genuine reconciliation have disappointingly fallen short of expectations to-date. The extremism of the Sinhala and Tamil ultra-nationalists that is yet apparent today renders the moderates amongst us impotent. Our national curse has been (and is) Sinhala ineptitude and intransigence feeding Tamil ineptitude and intransigence thanks primarily to the machinations and skullduggery of our respective political leaders.

Will we Sri Lankans ever achieve the moral clarity and mature vision of a Bishop Lakshman Wickremesinghe before we destroy what is left of Sri Lanka?



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An innocent bystander or a passive onlooker?

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (C) meeting President of the European Council, Antonio Luis Santos da Costa and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen ahead of the Exchange of MoUs between India and EU, in Hyderabad House, New Delhi, India, on 27 January, 2026.

After nearly two decades of on-and-off negotiations that began in 2007, India and the European Union formally finally concluded a comprehensive free trade agreement on 27 January 2026. This agreement, the India–European Union Free Trade Agreement (IEUFTA), was hailed by political leaders from both sides as the “mother of all deals,” because it would create a massive economic partnership and greatly increase the current bilateral trade, which was over US$ 136 billion in 2024. The agreement still requires ratification by the European Parliament, approval by EU member states, and completion of domestic approval processes in India. Therefore, it is only likely to come into force by early 2027.

An Innocent Bystander

When negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement between India and the European Union were formally launched in June 2007, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat, in London, requested the Centre for Analysis of Regional Integration at the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. Thus, a group of academics, led by Professor Alan Winters, undertook a study, and it was published by the Commonwealth Secretariat in 2009 (“Innocent Bystanders—Implications of the EU-India Free Trade Agreement for Excluded Countries”). The authors of the study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement for the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”

Trade Preferences and Export Growth

Normally, reduction of price through preferential market access leads to export growth and trade diversification. During the last 19-year period (2015–2024), SAARC countries enjoyed varying degrees of preferences, under the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP). But, the level of preferential access extended to India, through the GSP (general) arrangement, only provided a limited amount of duty reduction as against other SAARC countries, which were eligible for duty-free access into the EU market for most of their exports, via their LDC status or GSP+ route.

However, having preferential market access to the EU is worthless if those preferences cannot be utilised. Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, which specifies the ratio of eligible to preferential imports, is significantly below the average for the EU GSP receiving countries. It was only 59% in 2023 and 69% in 2024. Comparative percentages in 2024 were, for Bangladesh, 96%; Pakistan, 95%; and India, 88%.

As illustrated in the table above, between 2015 and 2024, the EU’s imports from SAARC countries had increased twofold, from US$ 63 billion in 2015 to US$ 129 billion by 2024. Most of this growth had come from India. The imports from Pakistan and Bangladesh also increased significantly. The increase of imports from Sri Lanka, when compared to other South Asian countries, was limited. Exports from other SAARC countries—Afghanistan, Bhutan, Nepal, and the Maldives—are very small and, therefore, not included in this analysis.

Why the EU – India FTA?

With the best export performance in the region, why does India need an FTA with the EU?

Because even with very impressive overall export growth, in certain areas, India has performed very poorly in the EU market due to tariff disadvantages. In addition to that, from January 2026, the EU has withdrawn GSP benefits from most of India’s industrial exports. The FTA clearly addresses these challenges, and India will improve her competitiveness significantly once the FTA becomes operational.

Then the question is, what will be its impact on those “innocent bystanders” in South Asia and, more particularly, on Sri Lanka?

To provide a reasonable answer to this question, one has to undertake an in-depth product-by-product analysis of all major exports. Due to time and resource constraints, for the purpose of this article, I took a brief look at Sri Lanka’s two largest exports to the EU, viz., the apparels and rubber-based products.

Fortunately, Sri Lanka’s exports of rubber products will be only nominally impacted by the FTA due to the low MFN duty rate. For example, solid tyres and rubber gloves are charged very low (around 3%) MFN duty and the exports of these products from Sri Lanka and India are eligible for 0% GSP duty at present. With an equal market access, Sri Lanka has done much better than India in the EU market. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of solid tyres to the EU and during 2024 our exports were valued at US$180 million.

On the other hand, Tariffs MFN tariffs on Apparel at 12% are relatively high and play a big role in apparel sourcing. Even a small difference in landed cost can shift entire sourcing to another supplier country. Indian apparel exports to the EU faced relatively high duties (8.5% – 12%), while competitors, such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, are eligible for preferential access. In addition to that, Bangladesh enjoys highly favourable Rules of Origin in the EU market. The impact of these different trade rules, on the EU’s imports, is clearly visible in the trade data.

During the last 10 years (2015-2024), the EU’s apparel imports from Bangladesh nearly doubled, from US$15.1 billion, in 2015, to US$29.1 billion by 2024, and apparel imports from Pakistan more than doubled, from US$2.3 billion to US$5.5 billion. However, apparel imports from Sri Lanka increased only from US$1.3 billion in 2015 to US$2.2 billion by 2024. The impressive export growth from Pakistan and Bangladesh is mostly related to GSP preferences, while the lackluster growth of Sri Lankan exports was largely due to low preference utilisation. Nearly half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports faced a 12% tariff due to strict Rules of Origin requirements to qualify for GSP.

During the same period, the EU’s apparel imports from India only showed very modest growth, from US$ 5.3 billion, in 2015, to US$ 6.3 billion in 2024. The main reason for this was the very significant tariff disadvantage India faced in the EU market. However, once the FTA eliminates this gap, apparel imports from India are expected to grow rapidly.

According to available information, Indian industry bodies expect US$ 5-7 billion growth of textiles and apparel exports during the first three years of the FTA. This will create a significant trade diversion, resulting in a decline in exports from China and other countries that do not enjoy preferential market access. As almost half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports are not eligible for GSP, the impact on our exports will also be fierce. Even in the areas where Sri Lanka receives preferential duty-free access, the arrival of another large player will change the market dynamics greatly.

A Passive Onlooker?

Since the commencement of the negotiations on the EU–India FTA, Bangladesh and Pakistan have significantly enhanced the level of market access through proactive diplomatic interventions. As a result, they have substantially increased competitiveness and the market share within the EU. This would help them to minimize the adverse implications of the India–EU FTA on their exports. Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market have not performed that well. The challenges in that market will intensify after 2027.

As we can clearly anticipate a significant adverse impact from the EU-India FTA, we should start to engage immediately with the European Commission on these issues without being passive onlookers. For example, the impact of the EU-India FTA should have been a main agenda item in the recently concluded joint commission meeting between the European Commission and Sri Lanka in Colombo.

Need of the Hour – Proactive Commercial Diplomacy

In the area of international trade, it is a time of turbulence. After the US Supreme Court judgement on President Trump’s “reciprocal tariffs,” the only prediction we can make about the market in the United States market is its continued unpredictability. India concluded an FTA with the UK last May and now the EU-India FTA. These are Sri Lanka’s largest markets. Now to navigate through these volatile, complex, and rapidly changing markets, we need to move away from reactive crisis management mode to anticipatory action. Hence, proactive commercial diplomacy is the need of the hour.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

By Gomi Senadhira

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Educational reforms: A perspective

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Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘The Education cross roads: Liberating Sri Lankan classroom and moving ahead’ asks the critical question that should be the bedrock of any attempt at education reform – ‘Do we truly and clearly understand how a human being learns? (The Island, 16.02.2026)

Dr. BJCP describes the foundation of a cognitive architecture taking place with over a million neural connections occurring in a second. This in fact is the result of language learning and not the process. How do we ‘actually’ learn and communicate with one another? Is a question that was originally asked by Galileo Galilei (1564 -1642) to which scientists have still not found a definitive answer. Naom Chomsky (1928-) one of the foremost intellectuals of our time, known as the father of modern linguistics; when once asked in an interview, if there was any ‘burning question’ in his life that he would have liked to find an answer for; commented that this was one of the questions to which he would have liked to find the answer. Apart from knowing that this communication takes place through language, little else is known about the subject. In this process of learning we learn in our mother tongue and it is estimated that almost 80% of our learning is completed by the time we are 5 years old. It is critical to grasp that this is the actual process of learning and not ‘knowledge’ which tends to get confused as ‘learning’. i.e. what have you learnt?

The term mother tongue is used here as many of us later on in life do learn other languages. However, there is a fundamental difference between these languages and one’s mother tongue; in that one learns the mother tongue- and how that happens is the ‘burning question’ as opposed to a second language which is taught. The fact that the mother tongue is also formally taught later on, does not distract from this thesis.

Almost all of us take the learning of a mother tongue for granted, as much as one would take standing and walking for granted. However, learning the mother tongue is a much more complex process. Every infant learns to stand and walk the same way, but every infant depending on where they are born (and brought up) will learn a different mother tongue. The words that are learnt are concepts that would be influenced by the prevalent culture, religion, beliefs, etc. in that environment of the child. Take for example the term father. In our culture (Sinhala/Buddhist) the father is an entity that belongs to himself as well as to us -the rest of the family. We refer to him as ape thaththa. In the English speaking (Judaeo-Christian) culture he is ‘my father’. ‘Our father’ is a very different concept. ‘Our father who art in heaven….

All over the world education is done in one’s mother tongue. The only exception to this, as far as I know, are the countries that have been colonised by the British. There is a vast amount of research that re-validates education /learning in the mother tongue. And more to the point, when it comes to the comparability of learning in one’s own mother tongue as opposed to learning in English, English fails miserably.

Education /learning is best done in one’s mother tongue.

This is a fact. not an opinion. Elegantly stated in the words of Prof. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas-“Mother tongue medium education is controversial, but ‘only’ politically. Research evidence about it is not controversial.”

The tragedy is that we are discussing this fundamental principle that is taken for granted in the rest of the world. It would not be not even considered worthy of a school debate in any other country. The irony of course is, that it is being done in English!

At school we learnt all of our subjects in Sinhala (or Tamil) right up to University entrance. Across the three streams of Maths, Bio and Commerce, be it applied or pure mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, botany economics, business, etc. Everything from the simplest to the most complicated concept was learnt in our mother tongue. An uninterrupted process of learning that started from infancy.

All of this changed at university. We had to learn something new that had a greater depth and width than anything we had encountered before in a language -except for a very select minority – we were not at all familiar with. There were students in my university intake that had put aside reading and writing, not even spoken English outside a classroom context. This I have been reliably informed is the prevalent situation in most of the SAARC countries.

The SAARC nations that comprise eight countries (Sri Lanka, Maldives, India, Pakistan Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan) have 21% of the world population confined to just 3% of the earth’s land mass making it probably one of the most densely populated areas in the world. One would assume that this degree of ‘clinical density’ would lead to a plethora of research publications. However, the reality is that for 25 years from 1996 to 2021 the contribution by the SAARC nations to peer reviewed research in the field of Orthopaedics and Sports medicine- my profession – was only 1.45%! Regardless of each country having different mother tongues and vastly differing socio-economic structures, the common denominator to all these countries is that medical education in each country is done in a foreign language (English).

The impact of not learning in one’s mother tongue can be illustrated at a global level. This can be easily seen when observing the research output of different countries. For example, if one looks at orthopaedics and sports medicine (once again my given profession for simplicity); Table 1. shows the cumulative research that has been published in peer review journals. Despite now having the highest population in the world, India comes in at number 16! It has been outranked by countries that have a population less than one of their states. Pundits might argue giving various reasons for this phenomenon. But the inconvertible fact remains that all other countries, other than India, learn medicine in their mother tongue.

(See Table 1) Mother tongue, medium of education in country rank order according to the volume of publications of orthopaedics and sports medicine in peer reviewed journals 1996 to 2024. Source: Scimago SCImago journal (https://www.scimagojr.com/) has collated peer review journal publications of the world. The publications are categorized into 27 categories. According to the available data from 1996 to 2024, China is ranked the second across all categories with India at the 6th position. China is first in chemical engineering, chemistry, computer science, decision sciences, energy, engineering, environmental science, material sciences, mathematics, physics and astronomy. There is no subject category that India is the first in the world. China ranks higher than India in all categories except dentistry.

The reason for this difference is obvious when one looks at how learning is done in China and India.

The Chinese learn in their mother tongue. From primary to undergraduate and postgraduate levels, it is all done in Chinese. Therefore, they have an enormous capacity to understand their subject matter just not itself, but also as to how it relates to all other subjects/ themes that surround it. It is a continuous process of learning that evolves from infancy onwards, that seamlessly passes through, primary, secondary, undergraduate and post graduate education, research, innovation, application etc. Their social language is their official language. The language they use at home is the language they use at their workplaces, clubs, research facilities and so on.

In India higher education/learning is done in a foreign language. Each state of India has its own mother tongue. Be it Hindi, Tamil, Urdu, Telagu, etc. Infancy, childhood and school education to varying degrees is carried out in each state according to their mother tongue. Then, when it comes to university education and especially the ‘science subjects’ it takes place in a foreign tongue- (English). English remains only as their ‘research’ language. All other social interactions are done in their mother tongue.

India and China have been used as examples to illustrate the point between learning in the mother tongue and a foreign tongue, as they are in population terms comparable countries. The unpalatable truth is that – though individuals might have a different grasp of English- as countries, the ability of SAARC countries to learn and understand a subject in a foreign language is inferior to the rest of the world that is learning the same subject in its mother tongue. Imagine the disadvantage we face at a global level, when our entire learning process across almost all disciplines has been in a foreign tongue with comparison to the rest of the world that has learnt all these disciplines in their mother tongue. And one by-product of this is the subsequent research, innovation that flows from this learning will also be inferior to the rest of the world.

All this only confirms what we already know. Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue! .

What needs to be realised is that there is a critical difference between ‘learning English’ and ‘learning in English’. The primary-or some may argue secondary- purpose of a university education is to learn a particular discipline, be it medicine, engineering, etc. The students- have been learning everything up to that point in Sinhala or Tamil. Learning their discipline in their mother tongue will be the easiest thing for them. The solution to this is to teach in Sinhala or Tamil, so it can be learnt in the most efficient manner. Not to lament that the university entrant’s English is poor and therefore we need to start teaching English earlier on.

We are surviving because at least up to the university level we are learning in the best possible way i.e. in our mother tongue. Can our methods be changed to be more efficient? definitely. If, however, one thinks that the answer to this efficient change in the learning process is to substitute English for the mother tongue, it will defeat the very purpose it is trying to overcome. According to Dr. BJCP as he states in his article; the current reforms of 2026 for the learning process for the primary years, centre on the ‘ABCDE’ framework: Attendance, Belongingness, Cleanliness, Discipline and English. Very briefly, as can be seen from the above discussion, if this is the framework that is to be instituted, we should modify it to ABCDEF by adding a F for Failure, for completeness!

(See Figure 1) The components and evolution of learning: Data, information, knowledge, insight, wisdom, foresight As can be seen from figure 1. data and information remain as discrete points. They do not have interconnections between them. It is these subsequent interconnections that constitute learning. And these happen best through the mother tongue. Once again, this is a fact. Not an opinion. We -all countries- need to learn a second language (foreign tongue) in order to gather information and data from the rest of the world. However, once this data/ information is gathered, the learning needs to happen in our own mother tongue.

Without a doubt English is the most universally spoken language. It is estimated that almost a quarter of the world speaks English as its mother tongue or as a second language. I am not advocating to stop teaching English. Please, teach English as a second language to give a window to the rest of the world. Just do not use it as the mode of learning. Learn English but do not learn in English. All that we will be achieving by learning in English, is to create a nation of professionals that neither know English well nor their subject matter well.

If we are to have any worthwhile educational reforms this should be the starting pivotal point. An education that takes place in one’s mother tongue. Not instituting this and discussing theories of education and learning and proposing reforms, is akin to ‘rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic’. Sadly, this is not some stupendous, revolutionary insight into education /learning. It is what the rest of the world has been doing and what we did till we came under British rule.

Those who were with me in the medical faculty may remember that I asked this question then: Why can’t we be taught in Sinhala? Today, with AI, this should be much easier than what it was 40 years ago.

The editorial of this newspaper has many a time criticised the present government for its lackadaisical attitude towards bringing in the promised ‘system change’. Do this––make mother tongue the medium of education /learning––and the entire system will change.

by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara

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Ukraine crisis continuing to highlight worsening ‘Global Disorder’

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The human costs of war: Ukrainians displaced by war. (BBC)

The world has unhappily arrived at the 4th anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and as could be seen a resolution to the long-bleeding war is nowhere in sight. In fact the crisis has taken a turn for the worse with the Russian political leadership refusing to see the uselessness of its suicidal invasion and the principal power groupings of the West even more tenaciously standing opposed to the invasion.

One fatal consequence of the foregoing trends is relentlessly increasing ‘Global Disorder’ and the heightening possibility of a regional war of the kind that broke out in Europe in the late thirties at the height of Nazi dictator Adolph Hitler’s reckless territorial expansions. Needless to say, that regional war led to the Second World War. As a result, sections of world opinion could not be faulted for believing that another World War is very much at hand unless peace making comes to the fore.

Interestingly, the outbreak of the Second World War coincided with the collapsing of the League of Nations, which was seen as ineffective in the task of fostering and maintaining world law and order and peace. Needless to say, the ‘League’ was supplanted by the UN and the question on the lips of the informed is whether the fate of the ‘League’ would also befall the UN in view of its perceived inability to command any authority worldwide, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine blood-letting.

The latter poser ought to remind the world that its future is gravely at risk, provided there is a consensus among the powers that matter to end the Ukraine crisis by peaceful means. The question also ought to remind the world of the urgency of restoring to the UN system its authority and effectiveness. The spectre of another World War could not be completely warded off unless this challenge is faced and resolved by the world community consensually and peacefully.

It defies comprehension as to why the Russian political leadership insists on prolonging the invasion, particularly considering the prohibitive human costs it is incurring for Russia. There is no sign of Ukraine caving-in to Russian pressure on the battle field and allowing Russia to have its own way and one wonders whether Ukraine is going the way of Afghanistan for Russia. If so the invasion is an abject failure.

The Russian political leadership would do well to go for a negotiated settlement and thereby ensure peace for the Russian people, Ukraine and the rest of Europe. By drawing on the services of the UN for this purpose, Russian political leaders would be restoring to the UN its dignity and rightful position in the affairs of the world.

Russia, meanwhile, would also do well not to depend too much on the Trump administration to find a negotiated end to the crisis. This is in view of the proved unreliability of the Trump government and the noted tendency of President Trump to change his mind on questions of the first importance far too frequently. Against this backdrop the UN would prove the more reliable partner to work with.

While there is no sign of Russia backing down, there are clearly no indications that going forward Russia’s invasion would render its final aims easily attainable either. Both NATO and the EU, for example, are making it amply clear that they would be staunchly standing by Ukraine. That is, Ukraine would be consistently armed and provided for in every relevant respect by these Western formations. Given these organizations’ continuing power it is difficult to see Ukraine being abandoned in the foreseeable future.

Accordingly, the Ukraine war would continue to painfully grind on piling misery on the Ukraine and Russian people. There is clearly nothing in this war worth speaking of for the two peoples concerned and it will be an action of the profoundest humanity for the Russian political leadership to engage in peace talks with its adversaries.

It will be in order for all countries to back a peaceful solution to the Ukraine nightmare considering that a continued commitment to the UN Charter would be in their best interests. On the question of sovereignty alone Ukraine’s rights have been grossly violated by Russia and it is obligatory on the part of every state that cherishes its sovereignty to back Ukraine to the hilt.

Barring a few, most states of the West could be expected to be supportive of Ukraine but the global South presents some complexities which get in the way of it standing by the side of Ukraine without reservations. One factor is economic dependence on Russia and in these instances countries’ national interests could outweigh other considerations on the issue of deciding between Ukraine and Russia. Needless to say, there is no easy way out of such dilemmas.

However, democracies of the South would have no choice but to place principle above self interest and throw in their lot with Ukraine if they are not to escape the charge of duplicity, double talk and double think. The rest of the South, and we have numerous political identities among them, would do well to come together, consult closely and consider as to how they could collectively work towards a peaceful and fair solution in Ukraine.

More broadly, crises such as that in Ukraine, need to be seen by the international community as a challenge to its humanity, since the essential identity of the human being as a peacemaker is being put to the test in these prolonged and dehumanizing wars. Accordingly, what is at stake basically is humankind’s fundamental identity or the continuation of civilization. Put simply, the choice is between humanity and barbarity.

The ‘Swing States’ of the South, such as India, Indonesia, South Africa and to a lesser extent Brazil, are obliged to put their ‘ best foot forward’ in these undertakings of a potentially historic nature. While the humanistic character of their mission needs to be highlighted most, the economic and material costs of these wasting wars, which are felt far and wide, need to be constantly focused on as well.

It is a time to protect humanity and the essential principles of democracy. It is when confronted by the magnitude and scale of these tasks that the vital importance of the UN could come to be appreciated by human kind. This is primarily on account of the multi-dimensional operations of the UN. The latter would prove an ideal companion of the South if and when it plays the role of a true peace maker.

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