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My friendship with Wijetunga used as a bridge for Gamini D to return to UNP

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Brief period as Chairman of Lake House

At this stage President Wijetunga re-established his friendship with me. Though welcomed by the media and Colombo society he was getting increasingly isolated in the UNP of which he had now become leader by happenstance. Sirisena Cooray had fallen out with him as Wijetunga did not want to portray himself as a stooge of former President Premadasa. The latter had been contemptuous of him after achieving his objective of using him to dislodge Gamini and Lalith. The new Presidents chief confidant at this stage was Tilak Marapone, a kinsman who had been the Attorney General. He also had several businessmen friends like Susil Moonesinghe, “Yasoda” Kasturiaratchi and Earl Gunasekera.

Wijetunga and I met at several functions in Kandy and he invited me to visit him in President’s House. The main link between us however was the gang of officials in Wijetunga’s personal staff who had consistently been with him since I was his Secretary in the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under the JRJ administration. These Kandy boys were comfortable with me and would constantly advice their boss to get me back and make use of my services. The President was a lonely man who looked forward to leaving Colombo every Friday with his staff to spend the weekend with his wife and only child – a daughter whom he loved very much. He fretted that she was not getting married though advancing in years. The Kandy based staff occupied the President’s House in Kandy and Wijetunga would meet all and sundry there.

A queue of supplicants wended their way through Kandy city and Wijetunga would meet them all and try to accommodate their requests. He wanted to appoint me as the Chairman of Lake House, which at that time was one of the most prestigious positions in the country. I discussed the President’s offer with Gamini and we agreed that I should be the bridge between the President and him. Since his early attempts to befriend Wijetunga had been rebuffed Gamini was desperate to make contact with him and hasten his return to the UNP. This was a scenario which caused much concern to Ranil and his clique of loyalists who wanted to keep Gamini out at any cost. They kept on badmouthing him to Wijetunga who, at that stage, was beginning to change his position particularly because the Parliamentary and Presidential elections were now in the horizon. He was undecided as to whether he should chance a Presidential electoral contest or go for a Parliamentary election.

Chairman of Lake House

I resigned from the Central Provincial Council and took over the position of Chairman of Lake House. The incumbent Chairman a lawyer named Rodrigo, was asked to go at short notice because he was a Premadasa loyalist who was now aligned with Sirisena Cooray and not particularly friendly towards Wijetunga. Cooray was constantly highlighting his loyalty to the deceased President and distancing himself from his successor who in a bold move removed him from the powerful post of General Secretary of the UNP. This sent shockwaves through the party but the general public applauded Cooray’s replacement by Dr. Wijesekera -highly regarded professional and son of a Peradeniya University Professor. The general public and the media welcomed our appointments as an indication of the new President’s open mindedness.

Though I had spent a lifetime in the field of media and information heading Lake House was a new experience for me. At that time it was a highly prestigious and powerful position. I was fortunate in that I had many personal friends among local journalists. Even icons like Tarzie Vittachi, Reggie Siriwardene, Denzil Peiris and Mervyn de Silva were my friends. So were Esmond Wickremasinghe and Ranjit Wijewardene. Among those then in Lake House, Manik de Silva-the editor of Daily News-was my close friend. The other editors too were known to me especially BHS Jayawardene, GS Perera-the editor of Dinamina and Tilakaratne Kuruwita Bandara who was the editor of Silumina. So it was an easy transition for me and I was heartened when the whole staff of the institution gathered at the entrance to the building to welcome me – probably a unique gesture in an institution then still working to strict “D.R. Wijewardena rules”. Today unfortunately, under high government control, Lake House has lost its lustre.

Changes at Lake House

I was keen to make changes at Lake House with the concurrence of a very cooperative Board which included Edward Gunawardene who had retired after a distinguished career in the Police service. The General Manager was Amaradasa, the son of my old friend K. G. Amaradasa, who had been the administrative secretary of the State Literary Bureau in the sixties. It so happened that I was able to commission the giant Rotary press which had been ordered by my predecessor. This enabled our newspapers to be printed closer to distribution deadlines so that we could carry up to date news thereby beating our rivals in that department.

We could also undertake bigger print orders for our popular newspapers thereby releasing our other machines for printing of smaller specialist papers which had been started willy nilly to satisfy various interests and journalists. Many of them were a drain on the company’s income. As a conciliatory gesture I decided to invite the previous owners of Lake House to attend the inaugural ceremony. Ranjit Wijewardene graciously accepted the invitation while his other partners demurred partly because, as they told me later, they could not bear to come back to the premises which were forcibly acquired by Mrs. B on the instigation of the leftists in her Government. President Wijetunga visited Lake House for the opening.

I also had a hand in starting the “Sunday Observer Review of Books” which was designed to assist local writers. To start off I began a review of James Manor’s biography of Bandaranaike entitled the “Expedient Utopian”. My review was published in two consecutive installments. But before I could publish the third installment I got an unexpected telephone call from JR Jayewardene. He wanted me to drop in at “Braemar” for a chat. In my article I had used information available in a book by Micheal Roberts on the Ceylon National Congress.

In those papers there was a reference to Sir John Kotelawala calling the young JRJ a “beachcomber”. At that time there was no love lost between the two since JRJ had brought a resolution to the CNC in which its members were precluded from obtaining membership in another political party. This was aimed primarily at Bandaranaike whose Sinhala Maha Sabha included many leaders of the CNC like Kotelawela. This resolution was opposed by DS Senanayake as well who did not want juniors like JRJ and Dudley to rock the boat while delicate negotiations were going on for Dominion status.

When I called over that afternoon JRJ was in a generous mood. He took me out to the garden facing his sitting room and ordered brandy. While sipping brandy he reminisced about the CNC of which he had been a secretary after Bandaranaike. He said that Kotelawala was hostile to him at that stage and would call him names in his inimitable style. There had been hostility between the Kotelawalas and Jayewardenes of the earlier generation. Sir John’s father and JRJs uncle had married two sisters from the progeny of Mudaliyar Attygalle of Madapatha who was reputed to be one of the richest men in the country. A third sister was married to FR Senanayake. Attygalle’s son who was to inherit the fortune was shot dead by a hired gunman.

John Kotelawala Snr was accused of planning this murder and was found guilty by the Supreme Court, He was sentenced to death. Kotelawala committed suicide in prison. Brother-in-law Jayewardene was despised by the Kotelawalas as he had helped the prosecution to convict their kinsman. That was now all water under the bridge and JRJ did not want those Kotelawala epithets to be resurrected and brought to the notice of a new generation.

I told him that I had no intention of embarrassing him. He talked to me about his retirement and that he was unhappy that all his legatees had been killed. In his usual style he accompanied me to the door and I left marveling at the old man’s stamina and his concern to correct the record about his family for posterity. It was a bravura performance and it has long remained ingrained in my memory. A general election was declared not long after and I could not complete my review of James Manor’s book.

Buriyani

Another noteworthy event in my short stay as Chairman is still referred to as “Amunugama Buriyani”. I received a complaint from the minor staff that the quality of meals in the Lake House canteen had deteriorated. The Chairman’s meals during the time of DR Wijewardena were the stuff of legend. A sick man in his later years, the Chairman’s food had been sent “hot hot” from home by car. His orderlies had arranged it meticulously in a special dining room next to his office. That dining room had been used by all his successors for fine dining and a short siesta afterwards because they spent a lot of time in the premises supervising newspapers which came out both in the morning and evening. The proprietors of Lake House were well known to dedicate much of their time and effort to bring out a set of classy publications.

Needless to say after nationalization the dedication of the state appointed Chairmen were not of the same standard. Nevertheless the mystique about the Chairman’s dining room remained. Since many nationalized ventures “marched on the stomach” of their overpaid workers special attention was paid to canteens and lunch packets which contributed to the ever growing “perks” of the “hoi polloi”. On receiving complaints about this apparently highly sensitive issue by the minor staff of Lake House, I decided to change the class bound “tiffin culture” of the institution.

Taking drastic action based on my experience of canteen procedures in University halls of residence and Kachcheries, I decided to have my lunch in the Lake House canteen.

The workers were overjoyed and the food contractor had to reluctantly improve his menu. The company directors and senior journalists joined me at lunch. I then suggested that the menu should include a “buriyani” to be served as lunch every Friday. This was done much to the satisfaction of the staff and constant requests for higher payments by the food contractor. I was told that this change was continued after my departure and cynical newspapermen of Lake House dubbed it the “Amunugama buriyani”.

Gamini rejoins

By this time Gamini had decided to rejoin the UNP. But Wijetunga was torn between the wishes of many of his friends who wanted Gamini back and the leaders of the official party machine, particularly Ranil, Choksy and Cooray who wanted to keep him out. But the numbers supporting Gamini were increasing including those in his personal staff whom Ranil kept at a distance. I was meeting the President almost on a daily basis and was able to recommend that he should bring Gamini back to the UNP fold. One evening he told me to bring Gamini to President’s House. But after Gamini got ready together with some DUNF leaders to make the trip, Wijetunga abruptly cancelled his offer and I had the unenviable chore of returning to his house to announce the bad news.

Obviously the President was being pressurized at a very high level. On the following day he changed his mind again and we had a grand event under the patronage of Wijetunga as leader of the UNP. These events were well described by Lasantha Wickrematunge in his political column in the Sunday Times of 30th January 1994, parts of which are reproduced below.

“As was reported in this column last week with Sarath Amunugama, a relative and former Permanent Secretary to Mr. Wijetunga appointed by Mr. Dissanayake to be the negotiating representative for the DUNF, the President on Tuesday January 18th called in UNP General Secretary and Housing Minister Sirisena Cooray to do the honours for the UNP.

The appointment of Dr. Amunugama to negotiate for the DUNF was made by Mr. Dissanayake with the concurrence of the President to ensure the smooth passage of the process underway as he was also ‘very friendly; with the UNP top trio of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Minister Cooray and K. N. Choksy. At the same time Dr. Amunugama also had a rapport with Mr. Cooray having worked closely with him during his days as Mayor when the former was Secretary in charge of Tourism, Information and Broadcasting.

“Dr. Amunugama is also a close buddy of WD Ailapperuma long time Secretary to Mr. Cooray’s Ministry having read sociology at the university together. Thus it was thought Dr. Amunugama would be the ideal negotiator to get the process underway. Eventually on a Presidential directive Dr. Amunugama and Mr. Cooray decided to meet at the Housing Ministry on January 20 to work out the modalities. In fixing the time for the meeting Mr. Cooray was to tell Dr. Amunugama “Don’t worry if I get a bit late, your friend Ailapperuma will be there.”

At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into the Housing Ministry meeting Mr. Cooray was already there with Minister Choksy. The meeting began with the dispelling of any hostility to the re-entry of Mr. Dissanayake with Mr. Cooray going to the extent of saying that though various journals had sought to give the impression the PM, Mr. Choksy and he were against the move there was no truth to it.

“With that out of the way the trio sat down and worked out the modalities namely for the DUNF Provincial Minsters and Chief Minister to hold on to their seats with the help of the UNP. Thereafter the trio also discussed the need for a statement to be issued by Mr. Dissanayake at the point of entry and the outlines of the statement. With the meeting having ended on that cordial note the stage was set for implementation on Sunday January 23.

“In the meantime on January 22 Saturday Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama worked out the draft statement on the basis that reconciliation must be the golden thread that runs through the whole of it. Having done that a copy was sent to Mr. Choksy who also agreed with the contents. The only change was the inclusion of the name Ranil Wickremesinghe after the word Prime Minister which had not been typed in on the draft statement.

“It was in this backdrop that developments on January 23 were to take place. By this time all indications were Mr. Dissanayake would rejoin the UNP on Sunday night prior to which a formal round of talks were scheduled among President Wijetunga, Minister Choksy and Dr. Amunugama. It was at this meeting that certain snags surfaced which threatened the successful conclusion of the talks.

“At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into President’s House at seven pm Mr. Wijetunga was alone having returned from Kandy hours earlier. Soon after Mr. Choksy walked in, the discussion got under way. The question was posed whether it would not be better if the whole process was put off for two to three weeks until the “legal process” by which DUNF members, particularly the Provincial Councilors, could join the UNP was sorted out. While President Wijetunga was contemplating the implications of this suggestion, Dr. Amunugama reacted quickly to ensure the there was no further delay, possibly feeling there could be many a slip between the cup and the lip.

“Accordingly Dr. Amungama said the whole country was expecting the development to take place this week and any delay would only provide ammunition to those waiting to pick holes in the ongoing process. He went on to say that in view of the legal poser Mr. Dissanayake could as DUNF leader join the UNP as a symbolic act and also resign from the Central Provincial Council. That he said in the eyes of the public will be a symbolic merger between the UNP and DUNF and the others would remain outside until the legal problems were sorted out. The President readily agreed to this formula with Minister Choksy too concurring.

“With that problem out of the way, there was another legal poser, that being the position of a person rejoining the party after being sacked. However President Wijetunga was to point out at this stage, he had the authority of the working committee to negotiate with Mr. Dissanayake and arrive at a decision in the best interests of the party and even if further approval was needed it will be a mere formality. On that note the meeting ended. The time now was after 9.00 pm and it was considered too late to go through with the formal ceremony and Mr. Wijetunga inquired from Dr. Amunugama whether it would be alright to do it the following day.

“Thereafter Dr. Amunugama telephoned Mr. Dissanayakes residence where all the DUNF leaders were gathered and inquired whether Monday will be suitable. Mr. Dissanayake for reasons personal preferred Wednesday morning and on this being conveyed to the President he agreed. On that note the meeting ended and Mr Choksy and Dr. Amungama departed. Mr. Choksy later briefed top UNPers of the state of play and Dr Amunugama did likewise having driven to Mr. Dissanayakes residence.

“At the ministerial meeting on Wednesday, President Wijetunga informed the ministers of the ceremony later that morning and obtained unanimous approval for his actions. Soon after the cabinet meeting the President left for his official residence where Mr. Dissanayake and party were expected at 10.15am. Speaker MH Mohamed too called on the President minutes before that and spoke to the leader and went out all smiles. Thereafter Mr. Dissanayake was invited in by the President and the formalities attended to.

“The question of referring the application to the working committee also was overlooked with the President personally handing over the membership card to Mr. Dissanayake thereby enrolling him as a member once again. That done the other members left while the President, Mr. Choksy, Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama continued their political dialogue discussing future strategies.”

All these changes were not to Ranil’s liking. In many ways Gamini’s style was the exact opposite of Ranil’s who knew that party opinion would swing to Gamini who was a charismatic leader. As mentioned above his camp first raised technical objections based on the fact that Gamini had been expelled from the party [by Premadasa] and the process of rejoining for those expelled was a long drawn out one. Wijetunga simply ignored this provision and handed over a membership card at our meeting. Ranil then wanted a letter from Gamini expressing his loyalty to the PM. The expectation perhaps was that this demand would be arrogantly rejected by Gamini. But we advised him “to stoop to conquer” and I drafted a reply that could take us out of that well laid trap.

It must be stated that Cooray at this stage welcomed the advent of Gamini which debilitated the anti-Gamini forces and we were able to integrate the majority of DUNF supporters with the UNP under the now benign Wijetunga. The Ranil camp never forgave Cooray for not sabotaging Gamini’s attempt to rejoin the UNP. We then faced the challenge of getting Gamini into Parliament. Every attempt was made by the anti-Gamini forces to ensure that there was no vacancy created by the resignation of a sitting national list member.

At first these national list members were unwilling to resign for love or money. On one occasion Gamini and I spent time in a car in the early hours of the morning to intercept an MP who was not returning his calls even though she entered Parliament as a Gamini loyalist. She was returning home in the early hours of the morning after meeting her boy friend and was not amused to see the two of us at her gate.

After a long and anxious period of bargaining a minority MP was induced to vacate his seat and Wijetunga promptly appointed Gamini to fill that vacancy and added him to his Cabinet as Minister in charge of Mahaweli development.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)



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Features

Sri Lankan Airlines Airbus Scandal and the Death of Kapila Chandrasena and my Brother Rajeewa

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The death of Mr Kapila Chandrasena (KC), the former CEO of SriLankan Airlines, caused quite a stir in the country. A few politicians, particularly from the opposition, tried to take advantage of the confusion surrounding his death, whilst social media went into a frenzy, with everyone having a theory as to the cause of death.

Even Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), the independent anti-corruption watchdog, issued a public statement urging the Government to ensure a full, transparent, and credible investigation into the circumstances surrounding Kapila Chandrasena’s (KC’s) death. TISL further emphasized that the Government bears a responsibility to protect the integrity of the judicial process and to ensure that individuals connected to high-profile investigations are able to participate in proceedings in a safe and secure environment.

While such concerns are understandable, I strongly believe that it is necessary to await the findings of the magisterial inquiry before reaching conclusions regarding the cause of death. To speculate irresponsibly, particularly to fit pre-existing political beliefs, is unfair not only to the deceased but also to his grieving family and loved ones.

First and foremost, I wish to convey my sincere condolences to the family of KC. I understand personally the trauma and anguish associated with losing a loved one unexpectedly and under tragic circumstances.

My brother’s death

Unfortunately, the death of KC also resulted in renewed interest in the death of my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, in June 2020. Some individuals on social media attempted to link his death to the newspaper article he published on the Airbus scandal involving SriLankan Airlines, KC and his wife.

Some people even circulated photographs of my brother’s body at the site of the incident across social media platforms. This was deeply insensitive and extremely distressing to my sisters and me. The loss of a sibling under tragic circumstances is something from which one never fully recovers. It took our family years to come to terms with his passing, and to have those painful images resurfaced in connection with an entirely unrelated event reopened old wounds unnecessarily.

On behalf of my sisters and myself, I wish to state unequivocally that my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, took his own life in June 2020 due to personal circumstances. His death had absolutely no connection whatsoever to his writings regarding the Airbus scandal. Neither the Rajapaksas, nor any political actor, nor any state agency was involved in his death. The magisterial inquiry into the matter returned a verdict of suicide.

Those who know me personally are aware of my forthright and combative nature. Had there been even the slightest credible suspicion surrounding my brother’s death, I would never have rested until justice was pursued. Since this was clearly established as a case of suicide, I sincerely hope that those who continue to circulate unfounded theories will finally allow the matter to rest with dignity.

The Sri Lankan Airbus scandal

The alleged payment of a USD 2 million bribe by Airbus SE to a shell company established in Brunei by the wife of a senior SriLankan Airlines official came to light following the approval of a Deferred Prosecution Agreement (DPA) between the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and Airbus SE.

The DPA was approved on January 31, 2020 by Dame Victoria Sharp, President of the Queen’s Bench Division, sitting at the Crown Court in Southwark. The award represented one of the largest global anti-corruption settlements in modern corporate history.

The Airbus investigation by the SFO extended far beyond Sri Lanka. It involved allegations of bribery and corrupt practices linked to aircraft purchases by AirAsia and AirAsia X in Malaysia, SriLankan Airlines, TransAsia Airways in Taiwan, PT Garuda Indonesia, Citilink Indonesia, and military aircraft transactions involving the Government of Ghana.

The approved judgment contained specific references to the SriLankan Airlines transaction (page 12, points 41 to 44). It alleged that Airbus employees, contrary to Section 7 of the UK Bribery Act 2010, failed to prevent bribery involving individuals connected to the airline’s aircraft procurement process between July 2011 and June 2015.

According to the Statement of Facts, Airbus engaged the wife of an individual connected to the aircraft acquisition process through a shell entity described as “Company Intermediary 1”. Airbus employees allegedly offered up to USD 16.84 million in commissions in relation to SriLankan Airlines’ purchase of ten Airbus aircraft and the lease of four additional aircraft. Ultimately, only USD 2 million was allegedly paid.

The judgment further stated that Airbus employees sought to disguise the identity of the beneficial owner behind the intermediary company and misled the United Kingdom Export Finance Agency (UKEF) regarding the intermediary’s qualifications, aviation experience, and role in the transaction.

The smoking gun from Sri Lanka that commenced the UK SFO investigation

The matter became particularly significant because it was the concerns raised by UKEF regarding the SriLankan Airlines intermediary that ultimately triggered the wider SFO investigation into Airbus. UKEF questioned why an individual with little aviation experience and who was domiciled outside Sri Lanka had been engaged as a business partner in such a major transaction.

Airbus reportedly provided misleading and inaccurate responses to those concerns in February 2015. Unsatisfied with the explanations provided, UKEF escalated the matter, which subsequently contributed to the formal investigation launched by the SFO in July 2016.

Ironically, what appears to have been a poorly concealed and amateurishly structured bribe involving SriLankan Airlines ultimately became one of the catalysts for a global corruption investigation that resulted in Airbus paying penalties approaching EUR 4 billion across the United Kingdom, France, and the United States.

Under the settlement approved in the UK, Airbus agreed to pay approximately EUR 991 million into the UK Consolidated Fund, including disgorgement of profits and financial penalties. Simultaneously, French and American authorities imposed additional penalties amounting to nearly EUR 3 billion.

Aircraft procurement and corruption

The Airbus matter once again highlighted a longstanding global reality: aircraft procurement has historically been highly vulnerable to corruption. The purchase of aircraft involves enormous financial values, complex financing arrangements, confidential negotiations, intermediaries, export credit agencies, and political influence. These factors create conditions for improper payments and abuse of authority.

Globally, there have been numerous allegations over several decades involving commissions, hidden intermediaries, and questionable consultancy agreements linked to aircraft purchases by both commercial airlines and governments. It is generally believed that the average commissions paid are between 3% to 5% of the order value.

The cost to Sri Lankan taxpayers

One of the most undesirable aspects of the Airbus affair is the financial burden ultimately borne by ordinary Sri Lankan taxpayers.

In 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka decided to cancel the order for four Airbus A350 aircraft as they were deemed unsuitable. As a consequence of that cancellation, SriLankan Airlines incurred penalties estimated at approximately USD 140 million, equivalent to roughly Rs. 19.2 billion at the time.

While Sri Lankan taxpayers absorbed these enormous losses, the United Kingdom taxpayers benefited financially from the Airbus settlement. The UK Consolidated Fund received almost EUR 1 billion arising from the penalties imposed on Airbus.

The contrast is stark. Sri Lanka suffered substantial financial losses as a result of a transaction tainted by allegations of corruption, while foreign governments received the benefit of the resulting fines and penalties.

The questions raised by my brother

My late brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, wrote an article about the Airbus scandal in an article published in the Sunday Island on February 16, 2020, titled “SriLankan Airlines Airbus Deal”. In the article, he referred to a SriLankan Airlines Board meeting held on October 27, 2016.

According to his article, Board Minute 7.3 dealt specifically with reports that Airbus was under investigation in Europe for bribery-related offences. Rajan Brito, who was then a director of the airline, reportedly informed fellow board members about the investigations and tabled draft letters intended for Airbus, Rolls-Royce, and AerCap.

Those draft letters reportedly suggested that the aircraft transactions may not have been based solely on commercial considerations and sought information regarding the role of facilitators and intermediaries.

However, according to my brother’s article, Brito’s proposal to send those letters was reportedly ignored on the basis that the airline was negotiating favourable terms to cancel aircraft purchase commitments and that sending such letters might sour relations and disadvantage the airline.

However, my brother believed that the decision not to proceed with Brito’s letters was controversial and highly questionable, and that the airline could have sought the assistance of the PNF (Parquet National Financier) to investigate the deal and seek financial restitution, given that the order was allegedly tainted by corruption, particularly given the emerging evidence of corruption surrounding the transaction.

Even today, an important question remains unanswered: did the Government of Sri Lanka or any subsequent board of SriLankan Airlines seriously attempt to recover the USD 140 million cancellation penalty, along with any inflated amounts paid after the global corruption findings against Airbus became public?

The slow pace of Sri Lankan justice

Following the public release of the UK judgment on January 31, 2020, Sri Lankan authorities moved relatively quickly to initiate legal proceedings against KC and his wife.

On February 4, 2020, arrest warrants were reportedly sought. On February 6, 2020, KC and his wife surrendered to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and were remanded until March 4, 2020, when they were released on bail.

The allegations reportedly related to accepting a USD 2 million bribe and engaging in money laundering activities. Press reports also indicated that travel restrictions had been imposed.

However, six years later, the matter still appears unresolved. Based on publicly available information, indictments were reportedly filed before the Colombo High Court in 2022. Since then, several hearings dealing with procedural and preliminary issues have reportedly taken place, but the substantive trial itself has yet to properly commence. With KC now deceased and reports suggesting that his wife may have absconded, the prospects of successfully prosecuting the matter appear increasingly uncertain.

Many Sri Lankans understandably feel frustrated by the slow pace at which corruption-related cases proceed through the judicial system. This frustration is particularly acute where allegations involve politically connected individuals or transactions involving massive losses to the public.

The public perception is that investigations move slowly, prosecutions are delayed for years, and accountability is often ultimately avoided through procedural delays, political changes, or the passage of time.

To be fair, corruption cases involving international financial transactions are inherently complex. They require cooperation between multiple jurisdictions, access to banking records, mutual legal assistance processes, forensic accounting, and substantial documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the extraordinary delays contribute to growing public cynicism regarding the administration of justice.

It is also worth noting that the UK proceedings against Airbus did not publicly identify KC by name. Much of the public discussion in Sri Lanka has therefore relied on local investigations and media reporting rather than the UK judgment itself.

According to information available in the public domain, the alleged funds connected to the USD 2 million payment ultimately found their way into an Australian bank account linked to KC. Given the reputation of Australian authorities for cooperating with international law enforcement investigations, many members of the public expected a faster and more decisive legal process in Sri Lanka.

In that context, a detailed public explanation by the Attorney General’s Department regarding the legal and evidentiary challenges affecting the case may help improve public understanding and confidence.

SriLankan Airlines: A continuing national burden

The Airbus controversy cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader failures surrounding SriLankan Airlines over several decades.

The national carrier has accumulated debts estimated at approximately USD 1.2 billion, equivalent to nearly Rs. 350 billion. This translates to a burden of roughly Rs. 16,000 per Sri Lankan citizen, including millions who have never travelled on the airline.

Successive governments have interfered extensively in the airline’s operations. Political appointments, weak governance, lack of commercial discipline, and poor strategic decision-making have contributed significantly to the airline’s decline.

Far too often, individuals lacking meaningful aviation expertise have been appointed to key board and management positions. Political loyalty has frequently taken precedence over competence and experience.

The decision to terminate the management and ownership partnership with Emirates remains one of the most controversial episodes in the airline’s history. Many industry observers believe that decision alone cost Sri Lanka billions of rupees in lost opportunities and operational deterioration.

Despite repeated financial losses and mounting taxpayer burdens, very few individuals have ever been held accountable for the disastrous decisions that contributed to the airline’s decline.

The current Government faces an unavoidable reality. SriLankan Airlines cannot continue indefinitely as a financially unsustainable state enterprise funded by taxpayers already struggling under severe economic hardship. Decisions regarding the future of the airline must be guided by commercial reality rather than political ideology or emotional nationalism.

Ultimately, the Airbus scandal is not merely about one individual or one alleged bribe. It reflects deeper structural weaknesses involving governance, political interference, accountability, and institutional failure within Sri Lanka.

Sadly, a relatively young man has now lost his life amidst these events and controversies. Regardless of the allegations against him, that remains a human tragedy. At the same time, the country must continue to demand transparency, accountability, and institutional reform so that such scandals are never repeated.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

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High stakes and hidden hands: Navigating the maze of electronic financial fraud

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Electronic or digital financial fraud is the current, extremely distasteful description of a blight that has hit the entire globe; a menace that is perpetrated through an unbelievable labyrinth of interconnected dishonourable and nasty manoeuvres. In an era where our financial lives are increasingly becoming digital, the “perfect financial crime” no longer requires a getaway car. It just needs a high-speed internet connection and stupendously brilliant, depraved and Machiavellian minds.

Modern scams have advanced far beyond the poorly spelt emails of the past. They are now extremely sophisticated operations exploiting psychological manipulation and deep-fake technology. Financial fraud has evolved from simple street-level deception into a complex, multi-billion-dollar industry. It has been manipulated through many different currencies in different parts of the world. In Sri Lanka, the landscape of scams has shifted from traditional “pyramid” schemes to sophisticated digital heists and institutional bond scandals that threaten the very fabric of our national economy. From an international outlook, financial fraud is becoming increasingly transnational. Sri Lanka is currently under intense scrutiny by the FATF (Financial Action Task Force). Sri Lanka falling onto the “Grey List” again would have severe repercussions, potentially causing international banks to suspend payments to the island, severely upsetting our exporters.

The financial fraud profile of Sri Lanka has gone from “Bonds” to “Glitches”. Our country has been rocked by high-profile financial irregularities that serve as a stark warning about institutional integrity. First was the Treasury Bond Scandal. Often cited as the largest financial scam in the nation’s history, the Central Bank bond issuance of 2015 highlighted the risks of Insider Trading and the manipulation of government securities. The fallout cost the public billions of rupees, demonstrating how high-level collusion can bypass traditional safeguards.

The recent problem where the Treasury remitted a very large amount of foreign currency to a different portal to which money should not have been sent is a special type of Financial Fraud problem that seems to have been instigated by a deceptive email. It is under investigation at present, and it appears that it is the money that had been earmarked for foreign debt reconciliation. It is the taxpayers’ money that has been allowed to be swindled by unscrupulous crooks.

Then there is the National Development Bank (NDB) “Glitch” Controversy.

The entire banking sector was shaken to its roots by reports of a massive multi-billion-rupee fraud at the NDB. This incident, often referred to in local circles as “The Glitch,” involved the alleged diversion of funds through a sophisticated manipulation of the bank’s internal accounting systems.

Then there are the perceived Guardians, who often serve as Whistleblowers. The fight against such deep-seated corruption rarely begins with a regulator; it often starts with an individual. It is just someone who smells a rat. Maya Senanayake, a forensic expert at NDB, has emerged as a symbol of integrity in this landscape by identifying anomalies that others chose to ignore. Whistleblowers like Senanayake face immense personal and professional risks. Their role is a “Herculean effort”, very often battling institutional stonewalling to bring the truth to light. Without such individuals, “Suspense Account” spikes and “shell-company diversions” would remain invisible to the public eye.

Having mentioned just two of the buzz phrases in circulation, given in Italics above, it is pertinent to provide definitions for some of these phrases that are being bandied about very frequently in articles on the main subject of this article.

· SCAM – It is a fraudulent scheme or deceptive act performed by an individual or group to trick a victim into giving up something of value, typically money, personal information, or assets. It is a blatant lie or a misrepresentation of the truth. Unlike theft (where something is taken by force), a scam usually involves the victim “willingly” handing over assets because they believe the fraudster’s story. Scams often rely on psychological manipulation, such as creating a sense of urgency, fear, or the promise of a “too good to be true” reward.

· HACKERS –

The term has evolved significantly and carries different meanings depending on the context. In the broadest sense, a hacker is someone who uses technical skills to overcome a problem or bypass a system’s limitations. The cybersecurity industry generally classifies hackers by their intent, often using a “hat” colour system.

The White Hat Hackers are an ethical group that is hired to detect vulnerabilities. They are legal and helpful as they improve security by reporting bugs.

The Black Hat Group are cybercriminals who break into systems illegally. They are malicious, steal data, plant malware, or disrupt services.

The Grey Hats Individuals who may break laws to access a system, but without malicious intent. They are individuals who might find a bug without permission and then offer to fix it for a fee.

· MONEY LAUNDERING – It is the process of “cleaning” illicitly-earned money by passing it through complex bank transfers or commercial transactions.

· TREASURY BOND –

A government debt security that provides a fixed interest rate. Manipulating these affects the nation’s debt and interest rates.

· WHISTLEBLOWER –

It is an “insider” who reports and even makes public, concealment of illegal or unethical activities within an organisation to the public or relevant authorities.

· SUSPENSE ACCOUNT –

A temporary account used to hold funds while their final destination is determined. These are frequently used in fraud to “hide” money during transfers.

· SHELL COMPANY –

No., NO…, it is not the Shell Company that deals with fuel. This terminology refers to a company that exists only on paper and has no active business operations. It is very frequently used to obscure the identity of those moving money. They become “Ghosts”.

· FORENSIC AUDIT –

An examination of financial records to find evidence that can be used in a court of law or for legal proceedings.

When one examines some of these frauds and scams, it becomes clear that at the bottom of the distasteful occurrences lie systemic inadequacies. Scrupulous attention to all details of financial transactions, trustworthy and fool-proof systems dealing with financial transactions, utmost vigilance and a very high degree of suspicion are the incontrovertible needs of the hour. The powers-that-be in all things that deal with financial transactions must consist of people with unblemished honesty, unbridled integrity and honour.

International best practices now emphasise a shift from “rules-based” to “risk-based” oversight, even going to the extent of utilising Artificial Intelligence (AI) to detect suspicious patterns in money laundering and financial fraud that a human eye might miss.

For individuals and the general public, the Three Golden Rules for Protection are as follows”

· Demand Transparency:

Whether you are an investor or a depositor, always ask for the audited financial statements of the institution.

· Verify the Chain:

In government securities, ensure you are dealing through registered primary dealers.

· Support Protections:

Advocate for stronger Whistleblower Protection Acts to ensure that those who speak the truth are not penalised by the system they seek to save.

The trick is to protect ourselves from the Invisible Thief by protecting ourselves from Modern Scams. Here is a breakdown of the most prevalent threats today and how to safeguard your assets.

A. The “Urgent Authority” Tactic

Scammers often impersonate trusted institutions such as banks, financial institutions, tax offices, or law enforcement. They create a sense of artificial urgency, claiming your account has been compromised or you owe an immediate fine.

· The Red Flag: Any request to move money to a “safe account” or pay via untraceable methods like gift cards or cryptocurrency.

· The Defence:

Hang up immediately or delete the message if it is on email. Contact the institution using a verified phone number from their official website or the back of your bank card to check the veracity of the request.

B. Investment and “Get Rich Quick” Schemes

With the rise of digital assets, “pig butchering” scams have become rampant. Fraudsters build a relationship with the victim over weeks (the “fattening”) before suggesting a “guaranteed” investment opportunity in crypto or forex (the “slaughter”).

· The Red Flag: Returns that consistently outperform the market with “zero risk.”

· The Defence:

If an investment opportunity sounds “too good to be true”, it almost always is. Professional financial advisors do not solicit clients via WhatsApp or dating apps.

C. Phishing and Smishing (SMS Phishing)

These are deceptive messages designed to steal login credentials. You might receive a text stating a package delivery failed, or your Netflix subscription has lapsed, followed by a link to a “login” page that looks identical to the real thing.

· The Red Flag: Unusual URLs (e.g., wellsfarg0.net instead of wellsfargo.com) and unexpected attachments.

· The Defence:

Never click links in unsolicited messages. Use Multi-Factor Authentication (MFA) on all sensitive accounts; even if a thief gets your password, they won’t get the secondary code.

4. The AI Impersonation (The Grandparent Scam)

Advancements in AI voice cloning allow scammers to mimic the voice of a loved one in distress. They may call claiming to be in a car accident or legal trouble, begging for immediate funds.

· The Red Flag: High emotional pressure and a demand for secrecy.

· The Defence:

Establish a “family password” – a unique word or phrase only your inner circle knows. If the caller cannot provide it, they are not who they say they are.

The Three Golden Rules for Financial Safety are

· Slow Down and Do Not Get Frightened:

Scammers rely on panic. Taking five minutes to think or consult a friend usually breaks the spell of the scam. It is also important to realise that some scammers try repeatedly.

· Verify the Source:

Never trust Caller ID, as numbers can be easily “spoofed” to look local or official.

· Protect Your Data:

Be wary of how much personal information you share on social media. Scammers use these details to make their impersonations more convincing.

Your bank will NEVER EVER ask for your Personal Identification Number (PIN), your Account Password, One-Time-Password (OTP) or request you to transfer money to an entirely new, unknown account. If any such request comes, do not fall for it and immediately contact the institution through their standard publicised telephone lines to check on the veracity of the request.

If you suspect you have been targeted, report it to the bank or financial institution, your local authorities and the legal investigative portals…, IMMEDIATELY.

(Some of the material presented

in this article was extracted with the help of AI.)

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent free-lance correspondent.

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In Memory of Professor M S M Mookiah

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The passing of Professor M S M Mookiah is a great loss to the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka and to all who knew him. He was a steadfast supporter of our mission of peacebuilding and our commitment to inclusion and justice for all communities. Since 2006 he has served loyally as a member of the NPC Governing Council and Board, bringing to our work the benefit of his long experience in public life and academia. He believed deeply in the possibility of healing divisions through dialogue and understanding. What gave him satisfaction was participation, service, and the opportunity to contribute to a better future.

Professor Mookiah was an alumnus of the University Peradeniya, a Commonwealth Scholar at the University of Wales, Institute of Science and Technology, Cardiff and returned to Peradeniya and served and Head Geography at the University of Peradeniya. Subsequently he served as Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Sri Lanka and later as a member of the Public Service Commission of Sri Lanka. He carried these responsibilities with dignity and humility. Even after retirement, there was nothing he enjoyed more than travelling to distant parts of the country to meet people and discuss the challenges of reconciliation and post war reconstruction. He believed strongly in dialogue, coexistence, and the possibility of building a more just society focusing on subjects such as Pluralism, Transitional Justice, Social Cohesion and Reconciliation.

His scholarly contributions were not merely academic but deeply rooted in social justice. He acted as a catalyst and inspiration for thousands of students, particularly helping students from Hill Country enter higher education. He mentored thousands of students and stood as a primary source of inspiration for students from Hill Country to break barriers and enter the sphere of higher education. He remained deeply loyal to the hill country where he was born and to the Malaiyaha Tamil community whose advancement he quietly supported throughout his life.

He understood the hardships faced by plantation families and the barriers confronting young people seeking higher education. One of his most meaningful contributions was the scholarship scheme he initiated in 2014 together with his brother Dr S. Kanapathyraja. Through the support of the Rotary Club of Carmarthen in Wales and later other well-wishers abroad, the scheme enabled university students from plantation communities to pursue higher education. It continues to this day and stands as a lasting part of his legacy.

Professor Mookiah was also a warm and gracious friend. He and his wife welcomed us into their home with generosity and kindness and shared the chocolates his sons brought when they visited from abroad. In later years he spent long periods with family in Switzerland, the United States, and India, where his ashes now lie. But his life’s work belongs to Sri Lanka, to its universities, to the students he inspired, to the communities he served, and to the cause of peace and reconciliation to which he remained committed throughout his life. His presence will remain with us at NPC in his work of peacebuilding, in the scholarship scheme he helped create, and in the memories of all who had the privilege of knowing him.

We offer our prayers for his soul to rest in peace and extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, and the thousands of students grieving this great loss.

By National Peace Council of Sri Lanka

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