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MARY RUTNAM’S LEGACY

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By ECB Wijeyesinghe

Canada has given many generous gifts to Sri Lanka, but none more precious than the valiant little woman who, at the turn of the century, settled down here and cast her lot, for better or for worse, with the people of this country. It was, indeed, on an auspicious day that the petite Mary Irwin from Ontario fell in love with a young and handsome Tamil named S. C. K. Rutnam from Jaffna. She was a Doctor of Medicine and he was a student of Philosophy who had secured the Master of Arts degree and turned his talents to the educational field.

CHILDREN

Their union resulted in the birth of five brilliant children – four sons and one daughter. The sons – Alan, Donald, Robin and Walter – reached the top of the class in everything they did. So did their sister Helen. Take Donald, for example. I have watched him at close quarters both on the playing field as well as in the classroom. Nearly 60 years ago I had a bird’s-eye view of him making notes at the Chemistry lectures of Professor W.N. Rae and the Physics classes of Prof. A. E. Grant at the Technical College.

Seated immediately behind Donald I was fascinated by the zeal with which he jotted down the words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the lecturers. Donald Rutnam appeared to absorb everything like a blotting paper and gave us, sluggards, the impression that the world’s workers must have their reward, if not in this world, at least in the next. In the sports field, too, he played like a Trojan.

At Royal College he excelled in boxing, tennis and cricket. And to cap everything he romped away with the University Scholarship for Science. In England he sat for the Civil Service examination and was chosen to serve in India. This preamble is merely to show that the Rutnam children were very much like their parents, especially the mother, who served her adopted country with a deep affection akin to patriotism of the highest order.

Apart from her progeny, the finest legacy that Dr. Mary Rutnam left to this country was the Lanka Mahila Samiti, the federation of women’s institutes which has perhaps more than any other body of social workers, spread the gospel of equality, fraternity and justice preached by President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Premadasa.

The Lanka Mahila Samiti is probably the only women’s association in Asia to have hit the world’s headlines and to capture the imagination of people dedicated to the emancipation of the underprivileged. Though the Samiti movement was founded by Mrs. Rutnam 50 years ago, it took nearly two decades to win international recognition. That was achieved chiefly owing to the publicity it received in foreign countries interested in rural reconstruction and development. Once, that great woman journalist, Mrs. Betty Hunsworth, wrote a long article about this unique movement in the “Christian Science Monitor”, the celebrated Boston daily which is regarded as a model of competence and accuracy by all sober-minded pressmen.

BETTY

Mrs. Hunsworth was the Colombo correspondent of that prestigious journal in addition to being one of the stalwarts of the “Ceylon Daily News”. She came to Ceylon with a German film company which wanted to make a movie of the life of the Buddha, but somehow could not get going, partly owing to opposition from the conservatives. She then took to journalism and created history by starting the Blue Page which placed many well-known local writers on the first rung of the journalistic ladder. Two other journalists helped Mrs. Hunsworth to make the “Daily News” women’s pages the envy of rival newspapers. They were the demure Hilda Roversi, a niece of Sir Solomon Dias Bandaranaike, and the ebullient Anne Abayasekara whose chaste compositions are still being widely used by the SLBC.

Mrs. Hunsworth’s dramatic criticisms were sound as she had been trained for the stage and she always took the trouble to see that her reviews of plays appeared on the morning after the opening night. She was, in short, a dedicated newspaper woman. It was not surprising, therefore, that her four-column article on the Lanka Mahila Samiti in the “Christian Science Monitor” in 1952 was displayed under an eight-column banner heading and illustrated with a bevy of Kandyan maidens engaged in making fans and baskets out of talipot palm fronds.

The article was as much an advertisement for the Samiti as it was a boost for the beauty and grace of Sri Lanka’s womanhood. Standing by the pretty girls in the picture were two attractive Samiti sevakas, Violet Rajapakse and Loranee Senaratne, then in their prime, but still active in many fields. The passage of time has left no wrinkles on either of them. Violet continues to be an outstanding and indefatigable social worker and the leader of the group that guides the destinies of the Samiti movement. She is ably assisted in her work by Anoja Fernando, who was once called “The pride of Ladies’ College”.

Violet Rajapakse has all the attributes of leadership which she has inherited, like her brothers, from their father, the late Francis de Zoysa, K. C. Violet may not have Bunty’s knowledge of the law, nor the keen perceptive police mind of Sidney, nor the histrionic gifts of Lucien but when it comes to addressing a meeting or untying a difficult knot she is a match for any of her brothers. She sails into any situation with confidence and provides the solution to any problem in lucid language and with a finesse that would do justice to a career diplomat.

WORTHY

She is, in this respect, a worthy successor to women like Senator Cissy Cooray, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike, Lady Coomaraswamy, Mrs. F. B. de Mel, Mrs. N. S. Perera and many others who kept the torch that was lit by Mary Rutnam. Almost all of them emerged from their comfortable homes in Cinnamon Gardens to labour in the remotest parts of the Island, bringing new life to village communities and rescuing them from the jungle-tide of apathy and ignorance.

It takes a certain amount of courage and a good deal of sacrifice to move into primitive surroundings and educate the poor and ignorant village women in subjects such as nutrition, child welfare, food preservation, gardening and home economics. Wherever the Samiti sevakas work they leave a trail of peace and progress. In such areas, lawlessness and crime have disappeared and husbands who were addicted to the bottle have sublimated their weaknesses, and now prefer to help their wives to bottle pickles and chutneys.

Today, thousands of village women from all parts of Sri Lanka are looking forward to a centre whither they can bring the elegant work of their deft hands. What they are praying for is a showroom for their hereditary skills and a clearing-house for their produce. It may be difficult to believe that Colombo 7 women can be made to move like missionaries carrying the message of the great religious teachers and to live and work among the lowliest of the lowly. But the miracle has happened. Barriers of caste and creed have been almost wiped out and in over 1,200 societies, formed in every district, the communities have been brought together and Democracy reigns supreme. But the females in the remotest rural areas of the island, without exception, know that the present Government will grant them their due place in the rising sun of the island’s prosperity, and incidentally give their voices too a hearing.

And 200,000 village women can’t be wrong.

(Excerpted from The Good At Their Best first published in 1979)



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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