Features
LOKUBANDARA; Mr SPEAKER AND ORATOR
by Sarath Amunugama
It is a tragic coincidence that two emblematic figures of JR Jayewardene’s historic 1977 victory – Neville Fernando and WJM Lokubandara-should succumb to the Covid virus within a period of two weeks. Both were over 80 years old, having entered UNP politics over half a century ago. JRJ recruited many popular regional personalities who could stand up to the powerful United Front veterans who had been in politics for a long time.
Neville Fernando was a popular medical practitioner who had his dispensary in the heart of Panadura town. He had hundreds of patients who believed in his ‘’ath gune’’ (healing touch) and the care and commitment he brought to his profession. His rival was Leslie Goonewardene –the Secretary and unostentatious financier of the LSSP. He was the Minister of Comunications till he was dismissed by Mrs Bandaranaike when NM Perera refused to retract his sarcastic comments about Mr Bandaranaikes credentials as a leftist leader. In the 1977 general election Leslie lost to Neville Fernando by over ten thousand votes. Not only Leslie but all the leaders of the LSSP lost their seats and did not enter Parliament ever again. Colvin was nominated for the single National List set procured by his party but died before taking his oaths.
The four fifth majority of the UNP in 1977 turned out to be a disaster. There were no Parliamentary fetters imposed on the President in his new Gaullist constitution which was waved through by his newly elected throng of first time MPs. JRJs blunder was to use his majority to disenfranchise Mrs B on a charge sheet which was virtually written by NM and Colvin in their vote of no confidence in her after they were summarily dismissed from their ministerial positions on the instigation of Felix Bandaranaike.The departure of Mrs B opened the way for the JVP which aimed at filling that vacuum. The enmity which resulted prevented the possibility of a joint Pan –Sinhala approach to solving the ethnic crisis. Mrs B and the SLFP were driven to extremist Pro-Sinhala positions which were not visible during the United Front regime.
The Sinhala electorate could not accept Amirthalingam as the Leader of the Opposition and made it hark back to the strong image of Mrs B in the country and internationally at an earlier time. It did not do much for Amirthalingam either. The militant Tamil Youth looked on it as an act of collaboration and a betrayal of their militant activites. By accepting the post of Leader of the Opposition at JRJs urging, Amirthalingam literally signed his death warrant and also those of his senior party colleagues who were later massacred in their homes and offices.
Neville Fernando with his personal affluence and reputation as a political giant killer openly clashed with the President on this issue and was kicked out by JRJ, who scrupulously followed resignation protocols regarding the departure of others like MDH Jayawardene and Gamini Jayasuriya. He regretted their decision and thanked them for their services. Neville Fernando did not receive any such ‘’send off’.’ I remember that Gamini Dissanayake and Anandatissa de Alwis were also against this move but had to remain silent as they were cabinet ministers.
Gamini Dissanayake had visited Hector Kobbekaduwa at his Aloe Avenue residence. This had been seen by Gamini Atukorale who had sneaked to JRJ and the President was furious, even telling some of his confidantes that he was thinking of removing him from the Cabinet. At Gamini D’s urging I convinced my Minister Anandatissa to support him and together they were able to abate the Presidents fury. Gamini D and Atukorale remained enemies till the end. Premadasa as President encouraged this vendetta by appointing Atukorale to succeed Gamini in the Land and Mahaveli Ministry.
When Lokubandara was made the UNP organiser for Haputale many of the old guard sent petitions. JRJ asked Gamini D to look into them . He rightly decided that Uva needed ‘’Bhumiputra ‘’representation and supported WJM. Even now many of the Uva MPS are outsiders who have established links there.The estate voter bloc does not care about the origins of the candidates. I saw on U Tube that one of Lokubandara’s last speeches was a passionate appeal to his voters in Haputale to remember that his son was an authentic Kandyan.
Lokubandara’s rise in the political firmament was a tribute to the social welfare measures undertaken in our country after the introduction of adult universal franchise. A boy born in a remote village near Diyatalawa, he was taken by an idealistic teacher who saw his potential to Bandarawela Central College where he excelled in his studies. As a schoolboy he won an all island oratorical contest and that became his metier. He graduated as an external student of London University – a sure sign in our day that the candidate was serious about his education and was upwardly mobile. This was confirmed by his passing out as a lawyer from our Law College and mastering the English language. Then he joined the Legal Draftsmans Department which was woefully short of staff proficient in Sinhala, English and the Law. He made a distinctive contribution by translating legislation available in English to Sinhala, even by coining new Sinhala words which is a speciality of the ‘’Hela Hawula’’of which he was a distinguished member as a Sinhala purist.
Professor KNO Dharmadasa has paid a tribute to WJM as a Sinhala scholar of the highest rank. His numerous books and articles attest to his eminence. I would pick his book interpreting some of the verses inscribed on the mirror wall of Sigirya entitled ‘’Sigiri Gee Siri’’as one of his best. All ‘’Hela Hawula’’enthusiasts are marked by their fascination with the evolution of what they believe to be the ‘pure‘ Sinhala in contrast to mixed or ’mishra’ Sinhala which show the influence of Sanskrit and Pali. Though some’’Hela’’ fanatics are stimulated by their jigsaw puzzle approach, WJM belonged to a less orthodox school and retained good relations with the linguists of the Peradeniya school who were acolytes of Sugathapala de Silva, the father of modern Sinhala structural linguistics. This obsession with the history of the evolution of Sinhala words can be an advantage in the appreciation of period poetry of the type found on the mirror wall.
Since Paranaviratne had copied, deciphered and translated to English and published this graffiti in his truly monumental work entitled ‘’Sigiri Graffiti’’scholars had easy access to the poems. Lokubandara with his knowledge of the evolution of words does a brilliant analysis of some of the verses which, I’m sure, would have drawn the approval of Paranavitarne if he was alive.
WJM was a brilliant orator. In my opinion he was the best orator that the UNP ever had. He was even better than Premadasa who was no mean speaker. Unlike Premadasa he was not venomous and offensive. WJM had a total command of the language and brought a folksy humour and sarcasm which had the audience in fits of laughter. Ranil made a bad mistake in immobilising his chief attack orator by making him Speaker of the House. During Ranil’s leadership the UNP’s frontline speakers were boring, badly briefed and lacking in magnetism. When he and other leaders came up to the mike, the audience started to head for home uninspired and uneducated. What a debacle for a party platform that had the likes of Premadasa, Gamini, Lalith, Ronnie ,Anandatissa and G. M Premachandra If Lokubandara continued in active UNP politics, in a few years he would have been a strong contender for the leadership of the UNP which was losing votes day by day ending up with no elected representatives – a fate none could envisage in the pre-Ranil age.
I had a good personal rapport with WJM because of our common interests. We had many mutual friends. I may be one of the few alive today who attended his wedding and the party afterwards in Araliya Gardens in Nugegoda. The Weerasekeras – the bride Malathi’s uncles were my friends from Peradeniya days. Her uncle P.Weerasekera of the SLAS read Sociology at the University when we were a small group on Campus.He later became the DRO of Hiniduma and I used to frequent his quarters in Tawalama when researching in the villages in the vicinity with Gananath Obeyesekere. I was invited as a guest from Malathi’s side. Since then I belonged to his group of close friends whom he invariably addressed as ‘’Macho.’’ As Speaker he was exceedingly kind to me when I was on my feet in the House.
The circumstances of WJM s death is tragic and leaves us in dismay. If he had been vaccinated he would not have died. Mr SWRD Bandaranaike was assassinated by Somarama, a Buddhist monk and a self proclaimed Ayurvedic physician. He was being promoted by the then Minister of Health Wimala Wijewardene. In our time too the Health Ministry was unfortunately side tracked by faith healers and snake oil salesmen when it should have been on the lookout for an early procuring of the vaccine. The Irony and tragedy is that in both cases –Bandaranaike and Lokubandara – dysfunctional nativism has taken the lives of two of its most dynamic advocates.
Features
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
by Jehan Perera
There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.
Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.
The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.
Institutional Commitment
The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.
The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”
Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.
Local Action
The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.
A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.
Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.
Features
Quality assured education commodities
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.
Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?
Corporate speak
Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.
Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.
World Bank Trojan horse
Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.
The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.
The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.
The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.
Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.
In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.
Commodity fetishism
Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.
We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.
Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
Features
Thailand’s biggest new global star …
The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!
Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.
Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.
The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.
She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.
Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.
Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.
She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.
For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.
And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.
When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.
And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”
Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”
Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.
With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.
What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.
Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.
Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).
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