Features
Liberal or edible economics – Global disorder worst in a century
by Kumar David
Mao Zedong mischievously quipped that “there is great disorder under the heavens and the situation is excellent”; the date is uncertain, may be the early 1950s. This essay is a survey of recent events and I have attempted to keep abreast of developments by, for example, following the world’s premier English language TV Networks; BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, CGTN (China’s premier English channel), Euro-News (Private channel headquartered in Lyon, France), DW/Deutch-TV (German, state owned), RT (Russia), NHK (Japan), France-24 (state owned) and NHK News (Japan). Magazine articles, research papers and the US, Chinese, Russian and African governments and agencies Reuters, Bloomberg also reflect a range of views. Without swallowing everything from the aforementioned TV sources, publications and research uncritically I have filtered-in only what I believe are the primary issues at this time.
I have borrowed the term Edible Economics from South Korean economist Ha Joon Chang currently attached to the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). The stand-off between Capitalism/Neoliberalism and Edible Economics (rice, parippu and jobs for the masses) has become critical in countries like Sri Lanka. The dollar is in retreat and new alignments BRICS (+ Iran and Saudi?). China’s confidence (the Sino-American Thucydides Trap), its worldwide investments and New Silk Road, and its non-dollar currency alternatives are setting an economic and strategic scenario for years to come.
The virtue of everyday liberalism is that it cuts a path for regular changes of government and hence defuses confrontation; street battles give way to ballot-box battles. In my view any leader, whether of the left or right, who retains power for more than two terms is, de facto, a dictator. The worst are the military regimes; for example, the greed for power of leaders of the factions in Sudan’s army is tearing the country to shreds. Conversely, “Edible Economics” as a contract with liberalism and or social-democracy facilitates transition of governments but undermines the directive role of the state. The dichotomy has been debated for ever so long.
What is new is that the contradiction has become overlaid with an international dimension. The IMF, belt-tightening, debt sustainability, foreign trade and need for a national development plan on one side, but compounded by Sino-American strategic tension in East and South Asia, the Taiwan straits and the Indian Ocean on the other side. One must not underestimate either dimension.
Global banking is facing a rout. In the US Silicon Valley Bank, Signature Bank and First Bank among others and in Europe banking giants Deutsche Bank and Credit Suisse are up to their necks in trouble. But do not underestimate the albeit declining economic importance of the USA. America still accounts for 20 percent of global GDP, down from two-thirds after World War II and down one-third since year 2000.
US trade is 10% of world total, a little smaller than China; 60% of world monetary reserves are in dollars and 40% of its currency is in foreign hands (that is only 40% of dollars circulate at home). Ninety countries peg their currency to the dollar and 90% of currency exchange transactions are in dollars. Half of cross-border loans and deposits are in dollars: half of the world’s private debt is dollar-denominated; thirty five percent of world trade is invoiced in dollars (about the same in Euros).
There is still no safe haven from the US$. The world is dependent on the dollar which is grossly overextended. The global financial restructuring that American political and economic problems have set in motion threaten tectonic shifts in the world’s financial system. Do not to underestimate potential disruption as uncontrolled change proceeds. There is little chance that the American republic will soon return to orderly government. The US even prepared to halt payments of both interest and principal on the huge amounts of money it had borrowed in the past.
Accumulated US debt stands at about $33 trillion compared to its current GDP of about $30 trillion. Short-term interest rates on U.S. government debt spiked as risk of default grew. The US government budget deficit is 5.5% of GDP (revenue $8.4 trillion, expenditure $9.4 trillion). Gross external debt is about $25 trillion and gross public debt about $31 trillion or 125% of GDP). These are the most up to date 2023 estimates that I could find and, in any case, different sources (IMF, World Bank, Statistica, Wikipedia etc give different numbers). I provide them here as a compact source of reliable information for the layman reader.
Who might replace America people ask? The answer, despite a lot of ill-founded speculation about China doing so, is that no one can. America dominates global finance in ways no one has since Spain in the 16th century. But we can no longer afford not to think about America’s eventual displacement from its seven-decade-old financial domination. This could happen in many ways but, one way or another, it’s going to happen. The world was teetering on the edge of a financial cliff.
Let’s move on. Chile accounts for 26% of world’s current lithium production and the Atacama holds the world’s largest reserves of 9.3 million tonnes, eight million in Bolivia and Chile. Chile has nationalised its lithium reserves and there is nothing the West can do except mount a coup, if it dares, as in the Anglo-American overthrow of Mossadegh in 1953. Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Russia and the UAE together hold about 80% of world oil deposits. These countries are defying the dominance of the Petrodollar and trading in other currencies. Two weeks ago, the world looked on in horror as its cornerstone economy – the United States – prepared to halt payments on the huge national debt of $30 trillion it has borrowed to keep itself in business. Foreign ownership of U.S. Treasuries spiked at $7 trillion ($1 trillion each owned by Japan and China) and the perception of default has grown. The world is a far cry from 1953.
Whether the transition to a new world financial order that has been set in motion is catastrophic or manageable depends in large measure on how the US responds. Some elements of change can be managed, some will likely prove unmanageable. The US is unlikely to gracefully give up privilege it has long occupied at the apex of the international finance. If global bodies cannot be made “democratic” to share power between America and China, an enforced plurilateral order will supplant the status quo. This has already happened in negotiations over trade and investment issues since the Doha Round went into a coma. In recent decades liberalisation of trade between the world’s nations has proceeded through regional and bilateral talks rather than at the multilateral level. The same trend away from American-dominated multilateralism now promises to appear in the financial sector.
The ebbing of American global political leadership over the past two decades have also had the effect of distributing power to the world’s regions. Increasingly, in the Middle East, Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia; regional affairs are driven mainly by regional actors, not external powers. U.S. military prowess remains without peer at the global level, but most problems are not amenable to military solutions. All political decisions are local. Fewer and fewer countries still defer to American interests or strategies.
In addition to declining prestige abroad, America suffers from an accumulation of serious domestic problems and impairments. These include decaying physical infrastructure and school systems that no longer produce workers with the competence needed to compete with their peers in nations like Germany, Japan, Singapore, Finland, or even China without significant remedial training. The U.S. tax system badly misallocates investment, exacerbates the maldistribution of income, and impedes social mobility. The country now ranks well below other industrial democracies in terms of equality of opportunity. It has acquired a permanent proletariat in its cities. By most metrics, standards of public health in America are now among the lowest in the developed world.
Post-crisis financial regulations and banking practices are choking off the flow of capital to small and medium-sized enterprises. Participation in the labour force has dropped to historically low levels. Innovation, once a remarkably robust feature of the American economy, is beginning to slip. The United States continues to live beyond its means, pampering its military by pyramiding debt while disinvesting in its civilian economy and running persistent global trade and balance of payments deficits.
There are also great disparities when it comes to natural resources. The United States uses 12.5 percent of the world’s arable land and about 10 percent of its water to feed and clothe a mere 4.5 percent of its people before exporting a huge food surplus. China must sustain 19.5 percent of the world’s people on about 7.5 percent of its arable land, with less than seven percent of its water. It is the world’s largest importer of oil seeds and other food crops. America has never had to be concerned about starvation. It has a vast, if financially wasteful, system of public health to protect it against disease. China, where many pandemics originate, cannot help but worry constantly about the possibility of mass disorder from famine and pestilence.
The US has been the global leader in science and technology for over half a century. English is the lingua franca of international commerce, engineering, and the internet. It commands a network of alliances that enable it to aggregate the capabilities of most of the world’s great powers to its own when the need arises. It has comprehensive military capabilities that no other country aspires to match
In the meantime, China is doing very well despite having far fewer natural advantages than the United States. Assets denominated in renminbi yuan are likely to be more secure than most. But China has too many domestic and foreign policy distractions to wish to replace America as the manager and mainstay of the global political economy or to be able to do so. China will react defensively, as it must, to the problems posed by the collapse of the American-led world order but it will not take the lead in resolving them. Nor will other rising powers, none of which is up to the task of replacing America in the roles it has played in global governance over the past seventy years.
We are entering an era in which there is no alternative to global power-sharing. The world will have to get used to crafting collective solutions to problems rather than looking to American presidents to imagine, invent, announce, and impose them. This is true in foreign policy, where it is now universally recognized that there is no made-in-America solution to the problems of the Middle East, the territorial disputes in East Asia, and many other issues. It is also true for much-needed changes in the global monetary and financial systems.
Features
The Digital Pulse: How AI is redefining health care in Sri Lanka?
A quiet yet profound shift is underway in American healthcare, and its implications extend far beyond the United States’ borders. A recent Associated Press report describes a scene that would have seemed improbable, even five years ago: a woman in Texas, experiencing side effects from a weightloss injection, does not call her doctor, visit a clinic, or even search Google. Instead, she opens her phone and consults ChatGPT. She tells the system how she feels, describes her symptoms, and receives an instant explanation. This behaviour, once the domain of early adopters and technology enthusiasts, has now entered the mainstream. A West Health–Gallup poll confirms that nearly onequarter of American adults used an AI tool for health information or advice in the previous month. For a country with one of the world’s most expensive and fragmented healthcare systems, this shift is not merely a technological curiosity. It is a sign of the public searching for speed, clarity, and affordability in a system that often fails to provide any of these.
Sri Lanka, though vastly different in scale, culture, and resources, is not insulated from this global transformation. If anything, the pressures that drive Americans toward AI—long wait times, high costs, difficulty accessing specialists—are even more acute in our own health system. The difference is that Sri Lanka is only beginning to experience the cultural and institutional adjustments that accompany widespread AI use. Yet the trajectory is unmistakable. What is happening in the United States today is almost certainly a preview of what will happen here tomorrow in Sri Lanka, though in a form shaped by our own social realities, linguistic diversity, and healthcare traditions.
The American experience shows that AI is becoming the new gateway to health information. As Dr. Karandeep Singh of UC San Diego observes, AI tools now function as an improved version of the old Google search. Instead of sifting through dozens of links, users receive a concise, conversational summary tailored to their question. This is precisely the kind of convenience that Sri Lankans, too, will find irresistible. In a country where a single specialist appointment can require hours of travel, waiting, and uncertainty, the appeal of an instant, alwaysavailable digital assistant is obvious. The idea that one could ask a question about a rash, a fever, a medication side effect, or a lab report and receive an immediate explanation—without navigating hospital queues or private consultation fees—will inevitably attract public interest. For example, one of my friends, who was with me in school, called me and said he is prescribed Linavic, a drug for type 2 diabetes. I told him that, as it is not widely known in the USA, to give me the generic name. He searched ChatGPT and told me it is called Tradjenta, which is widely available in the USA as a prescription drug for type 2 diabetes.
But Sri Lanka’s path will not be identical to America’s. Our adoption of AI in healthcare is emerging through institutions rather than individuals. Nawaloka Hospitals has already introduced AI-powered chatbots, including NASHA, an OPD assistant capable of guiding patients through symptom assessment and basic triage. This is a significant development because it signals that Sri Lankan hospitals are preparing for a future in which AI is not an optional addon but a core part of patient interaction. The government’s draft National AI Strategy reinforces this direction by identifying healthcare as a priority sector and emphasising responsible, transparent, and safe deployment. Academic bodies, such as the Sri Lanka Medical Association, have also begun training clinicians to understand and work alongside AI systems. These are early but important steps, suggesting that Sri Lanka is building the professional ecosystem needed for safe AI integration.
Yet, the public’s relationship with AI remains limited. Unlike in the United States, where consumers independently experiment with tools like ChatGPT, Sri Lankans tend to rely on doctors as the primary source of authority. Digital literacy varies widely, especially outside urban centres. Sinhala and Tamilcapable AI tools are still developing. And our society has a long history of health misinformation spreading rapidly through social media, from miracle cures to conspiracy theories. Without careful regulation and public education, AI could amplify these risks rather than reduce them. The danger is not that AI will replace doctors, but that poorly informed users may treat AI outputs as definitive diagnoses, bypassing professional care when it is urgently needed.
At the same time, Sri Lankans’ lived experiences reveal why AI will inevitably become part of the healthseeking landscape. Anyone who has visited the outpatient department of a major government hospital knows the reality: queues forming before dawn, patients clutching files and prescriptions, and overworked medical officers trying to see hundreds of cases in a single shift. In rural areas, the situation is even more challenging. A villager in Monaragala or Mullaitivu may have to travel hours to see a specialist, often relying on neighbours or family for transport. Many postpone care simply because they are unsure whether a symptom is serious enough to justify the journey. For such individuals, an AI-based triage tool—available on a basic smartphone, in Sinhala or Tamil—could be transformative. It could help them decide whether to seek immediate care, wait for the next clinic day, or manage the issue at home.
Sri Lanka’s private healthcare sector, too, is ripe for AI integration. Private hospitals are increasingly turning to digital systems for appointment scheduling, lab report delivery, and patient communication. Anyone who has waited for hours at a private OPD, despite having an appointment, knows the frustration. AI-driven systems could help streamline patient flow, predict peak times, and reduce bottlenecks. They could also assist doctors by summarising patient histories, flagging potential drug interactions, and providing evidencebased guidelines. For patients, AI could offer explanations of lab results in simple language, reducing anxiety and improving understanding.
There are already glimpses of this future. Some Sri Lankan patients, especially younger urban professionals, quietly admit that they use AI tools to interpret their blood tests before seeing a doctor.
Others use AI to understand the side effects of medications prescribed to them. Parents use AI to check whether a child’s fever pattern is typical or concerning. Migrant workers, returning home for short visits, use AI to prepare questions for their doctors, ensuring they make the most of limited consultation time. These behaviours mirror the early stages of the American trend, though on a smaller scale.
Sri Lanka’s cultural context will shape how AI is used. Our society places great trust in doctors, often viewing them as authoritative figures whose word should not be questioned. This trust is a strength, but it can also discourage patients from seeking information independently. AI has the potential to shift this dynamic—not by undermining doctors, but by empowering patients to participate more actively in their own care. A patient who understands their condition is better able to follow treatment plans, ask relevant questions, and recognise warning signs. AI can support this empowerment, provided it is used responsibly.
The deeper question is not whether Sri Lanka will adopt AI in healthcare, but how. The American example shows both the promise and the peril. AI can democratise access to information, reduce anxiety, and empower patients. But it can also mislead, oversimplify, or create false confidence. The challenge for Sri Lanka is to build a culture of responsible use—one that recognises AI as a tool, not a substitute for clinical judgment. Hospitals must ensure accuracy and transparency. Regulators must set standards. And the public must learn to treat AI as a guide, not a guru.
Sri Lanka has an opportunity to leapfrog. By studying the American experience, we can avoid its pitfalls and adopt its strengths. We can design AI systems that respect our linguistic diversity, our cultural habits, and our healthcare realities. We can integrate AI into hospitals in ways that enhance, rather than erode, the doctor-patient relationship. And we can prepare our citizens to use these tools wisely, with curiosity but also with caution.
The transformation is already underway. It will accelerate whether we prepare for it or not. The question for Sri Lanka is whether we will shape this future deliberately or allow it to shape us by default. The American shift toward AImediated healthcare is a reminder that technology does not wait for societies to catch up. It moves forward, and nations must decide whether to follow passively or lead thoughtfully. Sri Lanka, with its strong public health tradition and growing technological ambition, has every reason to choose the latter.
by Prof Amarasiri de Silva
Features
Not a dog barked
I began running on the beach after a fall on a broken pavement left me with a head injury and a surgically repaired eyebrow. Mount Lavinia beach, world‑famous and crowded, especially on Sundays, is only a seven‑minute walk from home, so it became the obvious place for my rehabilitation jogs.
On my first day, my wife, a true Mount Lavinia girl, accompanied me. Though we’ve been married for over 40 years, this was the first time I had ever jogged on the beach. She practically shepherded me there and watched from a safe distance as I made my way towards the Wellawatte breakwater. Dogs were everywhere: some strays, some with collars. I’m not usually afraid of dogs, so I ran past them confidently. Then one fellow barked sharply, making me stop. He advanced even after I stood still. I bent down, picked up some sand, and only then did he retreat, still protesting loudly. On my return run, he repeated the performance.
The next time, I carried a stick. The beach was quiet, perhaps my friend had taken the day off. But on the third day he was back, barking as usual. I showed him the stick and continued. Further along, more dogs barked, and I repeated the ritual. Soon I found myself growing jittery, even numb, whenever I approached a dog. Jogging was no longer comfortable.
My elder daughter, an ardent animal lover who keeps two dogs and wanting to have more, suggested bribery, specifically, biscuits. So, on my next run, I filled my pocket with them. When the usual culprit appeared, I tossed him a biscuit before he could bark. He sniffed suspiciously, then ate it. I jogged on. The rest of the “orchestra” received similar treatment and promptly forgot to bark. Not a dog barked the entire run, or on my way back.
Some groups had five or six dogs, but bribing the noisiest one was enough to quieten the rest. Soon they grew used to me running close to them, and the biscuits made me a trusted friend. These round little sugary crackers turned out to be the perfect currency for seemingly aggressive but essentially harmless dogs, a fact well known to my daughter, Dr. Honda Hitha, but a revelation to me.
One day, a friendly dog decided to escort me home. After receiving his biscuit, he lingered near our gate before returning to the beach. Over time, the number of escorts grew until I found myself flanked by about 10 canine disciples. They became my strength instead of a source of fear. They were darlings. Unlike humans, their affection, even if won initially with biscuits, soon became unconditional.
They still accompany me home, whether or not they receive a treat. Bless them! May they be born human in their next lives, perhaps the only way our wicked world can become a better place.
by Dr. M. M. Janapriya
Features
It’s Israel and US that need a regime change
If there is one country that urgently needs a regime change it is Israel. The whole world is suffering and thousands of people, including children and women, are dying due to Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s political survival strategy. He needs the war to avoid going to jail and also certain defeat at the next elections. The corruption and other charges against him, if proved, would send him to jail. He had asked the Israel President for a pardon and his friend Trump also has written to the President, on his behalf.
Netanyahu is able to commit genocide in Gaza with impunity because the US backs him to the hilt, economically, politically, militarily and also in the United Nations. Without all this, Israel will not be able to fight its many wars and pursue its “Greater Israel” project in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and also weaken the countries that oppose its grand plan, such as Iran, Yemen and Turkey. The US gives military aid to Israel, worth USD 3.8 bn, annually, which is used in these genocidal wars and expansionist projects. The US is, therefore, complicit in all these war crimes.
US presidents, beginning from Eisenhower (1950) to Joe Biden (2022), expressed displeasure at Israeli aggression. Ronald Reagan halted the shipment of cluster artillery shells, in 1982, over concerns about their use against civilians in Lebanon, and delayed the delivery of F-16 warplanes until Israel withdrew from Lebanon. George H.W. Bush (1990s) postponed $10 billion in loan guarantees in 1991 to pressure Israel to stop building settlements in the West Bank and to attend the Madrid peace conference. Barack Obama frequently criticised Israeli settlement expansion and, in the final days of his term, withheld a US UN Security Council veto on a resolution regarding settlements. Joe Biden (2020s) threatened to withhold military aid if Israel launched a major offensive in Rafah during the 2024 conflict in Gaza, pausing a shipment of heavy bombs. Most of these presidents had been in favour of the two state solution for the Palestine problem as well.
Trump abandoned these longstanding US policies on Israel that were upheld by Obama and later restored by Biden. Significant and far-reaching changes, included recognising Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the embassy, declaring settlements not inherently illegal, and recognising Golan Heights, which belonged to Syria, as part of Israel sovereignty. These evil deeds of Trump seem to have boomeranged on him as he battles to extricate himself from a war forced on him by Israel, which has resulted in enormous economic and political, not to mention military, losses for the US and Trump. Consequently Israel, in the eyes of many leading political commentators, is now a liability for the US.
How this war was started reveals the dastardly and barbaric mentality of Netanyahu and Trump. The US and Iran were engaged in negotiations, with the mediation of Oman, to resolve their differences, and on 26 February, 2026, the Foreign Minister of Iran stated that a historical agreement with the US was about to be entered into and, the following day, Oman corroborated this announcement. Iran apparently had agreed that its nuclear programme could be brought under the surveillance of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Surprisingly on 28 February, 2026, Israel and the US attacked Iran, Trump saying that it posed a nuclear threat to the US! Oman said it was “dismayed” and the Iranian Foreign Minister said it was a “betrayal”. Obviously, Trump, who is under obligation to the Jewish lobby, which had funded his election campaign, had been drawn into the war. The Epstein files issue may have pushed Trump across the threshold. Iran’s response was calculated and appropriate. Trump says he will obliterate the Iranian civilisation in one night but soon agrees to have negotiations with Iran, in Islamabad.
However, Netanyahu cannot afford an end to the war he started to save his own skin. He goes ahead and drops 100 bombs in 10 minutes on Lebanon, killing 254 civilians, including children. The massacre in Lebanon continues with Israel pushing towards the Litani river in an attempt to annex southern Lebanon. Israel disqualifies itself not only as a reliable ally but also as an honourable member of the world community by having leaders of the calibre of Netanyahu. Israel is fast becoming internationally isolated, according to experts like Professors Robert Pape, John Measheimier, Richard Wolff, Jeffrey Sachs and Yanis Varonfakis. And these experts are of the view that if Israel continues its aggressive approach and expansionist policy, disregarding the historical facts of its origin and the Palestine problem, it will implode and destroy itself.
Israel must face the reality that Iran has emerged stronger after the war and may have control over the Strait of Hormuz and may even force the US out of the region. Israel, under Netanyahu, may not be willing to acknowledge these facts, but the people in the US must realise that it is not in their national interests to have Israel as an indispensable ally. This war is very unpopular in the US not entirely due to the economic impact but the extremely atrocious way it has been prosecuted by Israel and also the equally horrendous threats made by the US against Iran. It is also very unpopular among the US allies who bluntly refused to join or even approve it. Australia, Japan and South Korea, though far removed from the theatre of war, seem to be pretty angry about the whole thing, as they are badly affected by the economic impact of the war. They may be concerned about the brutality of Israel, and the degree of support and approval it gets from the US.
Those who have significantly gained from the war may be Russia who could have a windfall on their oil sales, and China who could quietly weave its diplomatic network throughout the Middle East and watch the decline of US influence in the region. Saudi Arabia and UAE, two countries bombed by Iran, have already started a dialogue with Iran. These developments may hasten the emergence of the new world order, spearheaded by China.
The war, that was started by Netanyahu, with a willing Trump, seems to have backfired on them, with both facing a hostile world and a fast changing geopolitical global situation. Trump’s MAGA project was aimed at quelling the growth of the new world order that had China and Russia at the head. He attempted to hit Russia with sanctions but failed. He tried to curb China with tariffs but failed. Denying oil supplies to China was attempted by kidnapping the Venezuelan President. China’s monopoly on rare earth minerals was a headache to Trump and he proposes to annex Canada and Greenland which have rich deposits of these elements. War on Iran was another opportunity to do a regime change and get control over that country and its oil. He threatened to wipe out Iran saying that “the civilization would die tomorrow night”, only a psychopathic megalomaniac could make such utterances , not a president of the US. Fortunately, the changing world order would not allow Trump to achieve any of his crazy goals.
Netanyahu inadvertently may have hastened his own downfall by starting a war without realising that the global geopolitics have changed and he cannot have his way even with the full backing of Trump. Both Israel and the US need a regime change if the world is to have peace.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
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